Yorùbá
Omo Odùduwà
Papers
on Yoruba People, Language, and Culture
by
Yoruba
Language Program Students
Compiled
and Previewed
by
Akinloye
Ojo (August, 1999)
Akinloye
Ojo@1999
African
Languages Program,
Introduction
In September 1996 (Fall quarter), the department of Comparative
Literature and the
These eight students had also become knowledgeable about aspects of
Yoruba culture and society. As a final project, they were assigned topics for
cultural presentation and were asked to write short papers in English on their
respective topics. The initial eight papers had topics varying from history,
traditional healing, religion, marriage, family system, economy and having twin
children among the Yorubas. These papers also began the practice of an end of
term
presentations
and papers by students in the Yoruba language classes. The following eighteen
papers are just a selection from the growing number of such papers in the three
academic years that Yoruba classes have existed here at the
In all cases, the students were not provided with any reference or review
until the day of their first paper presentation. The aim of the project or
requirement was for the students to do research on Yoruba language, culture and
people, particularly and
It is hoped that these papers will serve as a source of information to
the in-coming Yoruba students as well as other people interested in the language
and culture. Enjoy.
Oba Akinloye
Ojo
LISTING OF
PAPERS
Section
One: Language And
History
The Language
of the Yoruba
Olufemi (Ako)
Who Are the
Yorubas?
Babasoji
Yoruba
History
Olusanya
The
Traditional Government of Yorubaland
Olukemi
Nigerian
(Yoruba) Traditional Family Structure
Kolade
Yoruba
Traditional Marriage
Olufemi (Abo)
Yoruba
Naming Ceremony
Titilayo M.
Twins in
Yoruba Society
Oluseyi (Taiwo)
The
Historical Economic Structure of Yorubaland
Adeleke
Yoruba
Traditional Medicine
Kehinde
Section
Three:
Religion
Yoruba
Religion
Titilayo S.
Yoruba
Traditional Religion
Oluwole
Olodumare,
Orisa, ati Ebora: Yoruba Concepts of God
Sangoleke
The
Traditional Yoruba Divination Ceremony with
Special
Emphasis on the Role of the Babalawo and Esu
Olufemi
Female
Deities and Their Importance in Yoruba Culture
Folarin H.
Section
Four:
Women in Society & Issues About
The Role of
Women in Traditional Yoruba Society
Adeola
Women and
Culture: Yoruba Women vs. American Women Folarin
A.
The Language
of The Yoruba
Olufemi (Ako)
Spoken primarily in
According to Mr. Dawodu, there are “about 20 million speakers of the
[Yoruba] language in...
The Yoruba alphabet is quite similar to our own English alphabet. The
main differences that separate the two are that the Yoruba alphabet contains
nasal vowels in addition to regular vowels. The other major difference is that
the Yoruba language is pronounced a little differently. Nasal vowels are
basically vowels that are not enunciated with the larynx but rather the nasal
passages. These vowels have a raspy sound instead of a clear, crisp sound. In
addition to these differences, the only other truly big difference is in the use
of accent marks (or tones) that utilized to mark intonation of the
words.
Although the Yoruba language and the English language share many
characteristics, the Yoruba language has a more readily understandable
grammatical structure. In Yoruba, the noun usually is followed by the adjective.
One aspect that makes Yoruba easier to learn is the fact that the Yoruba
language has far less verb tenses and possible conjugations than English does.
Whereas this would, on face value, seem to make the language inherently
confusing, it actually is not as confusing as on would think. The key to
understanding Yoruba words is to take the word in context, this seems to
simplify even the most difficult of verb forms or
vocabulary.
The Yoruba language, as I stated earlier, is deeply rooted in tradition.
Following in tradition, the Yoruba greeting process is chock full of traditional
processes. In the Yoruba culture, when a man of lesser age wishes to greet a man
or woman older than he is, he must lower himself on the ground and prostrate
while the elder begins the conversation. In the case of a woman who is not as
old as the person she is greeting, she must kneel and speak from that position
until the elder gives her permission to stand.
In addition to greeting properly, the Yoruba language contains honorific
words used to show respect in everyday conversation. For instance, the Yorubas
have a separate way to speak when they are referring to a person older than they
are. This type of honorific language must be applied at all times in the Yoruba
culture or else the person will be seen as both rude and disrespectful. Speakers
of the Yoruba language must remain aware when they speak that the language in
itself is used as an instrument to delegate respect and show hospitality and
good manners. Such emphasis is put on propriety because in the Yoruba culture,
the elders are highly regarded and essentially are the (un)official leaders of
their families.
As I mentioned ealier, the Yoruba language is spoken primarily in
The Yoruba language is a constantly changing entity that is consistently
teaching students and regular people alike about the different cultural chasms
that exist between peoples across the world and how learning a language can
serve to link different cultures. At first, learning a foreign language can seem
hard or boring, but the results of learning a language and understanding what
someone from thousands of miles away means makes it all worth the
effort.
Online
Sources
Online,
Lucumi Vocabulary,
http://www.seanet.com/~efunmoyiwa/vocab.html
Online, Yoruba Language,
http://www.yorubaorg/language.html
Online,
Languages and Intro.
http://www.citilink.com/~boomie/Nigeria/languages/html
Online,
African Languages Offered at the
Online,
Yoruba Culture in the Diaspora
http://www.yoruba.org/Diaspora.html
Online,
The Yoruba and Other Major Nigerian Tribes
http://www.stg.brown.edu/projects/.../landow/post/nigeria/yorubaFH.html
Who Are The
Yorubas?
Babasoji
Introduction
The Yorubas,
one of the major ethnic groups in
Who are the
Yorubas?
Several
theories exist as to the origin of the Yoruba people. Since their language was
unwritten for a long time, information about the group was carefully handed down
via the oral tradition. The Yorubas are said to have sprung from Lamurudu one of
the kings of
Under the influence of Oduduwa all the men of the city were ordered on a
three day hunting expedition in preparation for the festival held in honor of
their gods. Briama seized the
opportunity of the men's absence to wreck havoc on the city. He destroyed all of
the idols in the city with an axe, leaving the axe in the neck of the major
idol. When the town’s people learned of Briama’s handy-work, he was immediately
ordered to be burnt alive. At this time a revolt started which sparked a civil
war. Lamurudu was slain and all of his children were expelled from
Many historians do not believe that the Yorubas could have come from
Oduduwa and his sons swore to avenge the death of the Moslems in their
native country. But Oduduwa died in
Ile Ife before he was powerful enough to revolt against the Moslems of his
country. His eldest son Okanbi, commonly called Idekoseroke, also died at Ile
Ife, leaving behind seven princes and princess. From these the various Yoruba
tribe came to existence. The first
was a princess who married a priest and became the mother of Olowu, ancestor of
the Owus. The second also a princess became the mother of Alaketu, progenitor of
the Ketu people. The third became the king of the
Another story about the origin of the Yorubas is a traditional creation
myth. The myth describes how God let down a chain at Ile Ife by which
Oduduwa-the ancestor of the Yorubas, and, indeed, of all men descended, carrying
a cock, some earth, and a palm kernel. He threw the earth into the waters, the
cock scratched it to become land, the palm grew with sixteen
branches-representing the sixteen original kingdom. Thus in several versions of
these myths one finds themes of creation and conquest. But every town and
lineage and every deity has its own origin myth. Nevertheless, in all of them,
Ile Ife is regarded as the center from which all Yorubas dispersed to their
present abodes. Ile Ife seems to have become a very important center, with,
perhaps at this time, a highly developed art in terra-cotta and stone. Myths then suggest a later conquest of
There is some level of diversity in social and political organization
among the Yorubas, but they share many basic features. Inheritance and
succession are based on patrilineal descent, and members of the same
patrilineage live under the authority of a headman. The Yorubas are a people
deeply rooted in customs and traditions. To narrow the scope of this paper, two
of their customs, marriage and religion will be discussed. Within the Yoruba
culture a man may not marry any woman of his own lineage, nor of the lineage of
any of his great-grandparents. In the past, he could not marry from a lineage
bearing the same taboos or appellations as his own, for such (the taboos or
appellations) implied descent from a common, if forgotten, ancestor. Most men
find their wives from their own town, or from neighboring towns within their
kingdom.
Parents are deeply involved in a man’s first marriage. Parental views on
the suitability of the chosen girl, expressed in terms of the health and moral
character of her family, still tend to outweigh the selection of the young man
based, perhaps, on physical attraction. The wedding usually takes place when the
girl is from sixteen to eighteen years old, and the man in his middle or late
twenties. At this point the man makes a payment, now in cash, to the girl’s
parents. There is no fixed
amount. Part of this sum is kept by
the mother to buy pots and utensils for the new home. The rest is shared among
the members of the girl’s lineage.
Marriage gives the man a right to his wife’s domestic labor, the sole
sexual access to her (husband can claim damages from an adulterer), and rights
to all children born to her during the marriage. Most Yoruba men aspire to have several
wives. Today, divorce is frequent, though the Yoruba say it was rare in the past
(perhaps because it was easier then than now for a powerful and wealthy
polygamist to victimize the seducer of one of his wives). Divorce seem to
involve young, childless women, a corollary perhaps of extreme stigma attached
to barrenness. When divorce is imminent, the woman secretly moves to her lover’s
home and immediately sues her husband for divorce.
The woman must repay all or portion of the marriage payment, depending on
the length of the marriage. A woman is allowed to keep her small children with
her after her divorce, but after they are seven years old the father may claim
them. Traditionally if the husband dies, the woman may be given to a junior
brother or to a son, other than her own, who can maintain her and her
children. If she does not like the
heir or brother, she must divorce him. Upon her death, a woman’s children
inherit from her, or if she has no children, the nearest relatives in her own
lineage. Husband and wife can never inherit from each other. Many writers noted
that the African marriage payment as creating for the wife status of near
slavery, and literate Yoruba sometimes adopt the same usage. Yet the over
submissiveness of the Yoruba wife to her husband is perhaps the corollary of her
great economic independence and her freedom to secure divorce (Lloyd
566).
Traditional Yoruba religion involves worship and respect of Olorun the
Creator; of orisa, deities; and of ancestors. The purpose of Yoruba religion is
to achieve “divine consciousness.” The Yorubas believe in having an earthly
consciousness and a heavenly consciousness. To them, conscious searching and
right living can bring the earthly one into alignment with the heavenly one.
Yorubas do not worship ancestors, but they respect them highly. Ancestors who
had lived a good life are believed to be able to help their living descendants
to also live good lives and to help them through troubles.
The Yorubas are said to have 401 deities. Most of the deities are
anthropomorphic, but frequently these mythical figures are also associated with
natural features, especially rivers. There are hundreds of major and minor
orisa. People pray to them and sacrifice to them according to their needs and
situation. There are deities for hunters, expectant mothers, for the home, for
farming, etc. Each one has its own
rule, rites, and sacrifices. Some
are believed to be easily angered and so people seek to appease them; others are
seen as benevolent. The Yorubas
pray to the orisa for divine intervention in their lives. Orisa are considered
to be Olorun’s (God) way of intervening in human affairs.
Olorun (owner of sky) is God.
He is the Creator. But no
shrine exist to him, no organized priesthood. He is invoked in blessings or in thanks,
and one may call on him with prayers. Orunmila is said to be `the prophet and
structural originator' of the Yoruba religion. He is also worshiped. He was probably a
real person around whom many beliefs have risen. The odu is the word for the
Yoruba scriptures, <not all of which is known> There is also ifa divination; this is believed to have
been founded by Orunmila at Ile Ife. The babalawo, Orunmila's earthly
representative casts down onto his ifa board two chains of four kernels,
cowries, or similar objects, some falling face down, others face up. For each of the 256 possible positions
there is a lengthy verse to know the cause of illness or bad luck, put upon the
person by the deity whom he has offended or ought to
serve.
The Yorubas believe that the dead interfere in the daily events on earth.
The egungun, masquerade or masked dancers, in whom the spirit of a deceased
person is thought to reside temporarily, appears at funeral ceremonies. In
northern Yoruba towns, festivals are held in which each egungun dances through
the town on a certain day, and on a final day, they all dance to the palace to
greet the Oba (the King).
One of the many Yoruba religious groups, the Sango worshippers are said
to have originated from an early mythical Alafin of Oyo who hanged himself; he
is the god of thunder. Sango worshipping is important in Oyo, but is found in
other Yoruba towns. The shrine in the compound of the hereditary priest contains
the “thunderbolt”. Another important Yoruba deity is Ogun, the god of iron and
war. Throughout Yoruba country, Ogun is associated with Ire and Ekiti towns. The
shrine of Ogun is a group of phallic-shaped granite monoliths. The annual
festival of Ogun is usually one in which most of the townspeople participate; a
dog is always sacrificed.
Orisha Oko, the farm deity, is associated with Irawo, a town near Saki,
in the north most part of Yoruba land. However, Orisa Oko worship is also found
in most Oyo towns. Oya, the mythical wife of Sango, is also identified with the
As we have already seen, the Yorubas are a people with very rich culture.
They have been through a lot and have overcome a lot of obstacles to reach the
point they are today. Their culture and history can be seen throughout the
world. They have influenced many other cultures especially with their religious
beliefs. In other words, the Yoruba people are one of the most influential
groups in the world.
Yoruba
History
Olusanya
The origin of the Yoruba in
Obatala descended from heaven on a chain, carrying a small snail shell
full of earth, palm kernels and a five-toed chicken. He was to empty the content
of the snail shell on the water after placing some pieces of iron on it, and
then to place the chicken on the earth to spread it over the primordial water.
According to the first version of the story, Obatala completed this task to the
satisfaction of Olodumare. He was then given the task of making the physical
body of human beings after which Olodumare would give them the breath of life.
He also completed this task and this is why he has the title of "Obarisa" the
king of orisas. The other variant of the cosmogonic myth does not credit Obatala
with the completion of the task. While it concedes that Obatala was given the
task, it avers that Obatala got drunk even before he got to the earth and he was
unable to do the job. Olodumare got worried when he did not return on time, and
he had to send Oduduwa to find out what was going on. When Oduduwa found Obatala
drunk, he simply took over the task and completed it. Thus, Oduduwa created
land. The spot on which he landed from heaven and which he redeemed from water
to become land is called Ile-Ife and is now considered the sacred and spiritual
home of the Yoruba. Obatala was embarrassed when he woke up and, due to this
experience, he made it a taboo for any of his devotees to drink palm wine.
Olodumare forgave him and gave him the responsibility of molding the physical
bodies of human beings. The making of land is a symbolic reference to the
founding of the Yoruba kingdoms, and this is why Oduduwa is credited with that
achievement.
According to the second version of the myth, there was a pre-existing
civilization at Ile-Ife prior to its invasion by a group led by Oduduwa. This
group came from the east, where Oduduwa and his group had been persecuted on the
basis of religious differences. They came to Ile-Ife, fought and conquered the
pre-existing Igbo (unrelated to the present day Igbo people of
Indeed the second version of the cosmogonic myth also appears to
foreshadow the political variant. The claim that Obatala got drunk and the task
of creation had to be performed by Oduduwa already has some political coloration
which is now explicit in the political version of the tradition. What is crucial
in both variants of the story is the role of Oduduwa as the founder of the
Yoruba nation which is why the name cannot be forgotten. Oduduwa is the symbol
of the nation, the rallying point for all those who subscribe to the Yoruba
identity. The name Yoruba itself, according to historians Smith, Atanda and
others, ‘was fixed on us by our northern neighbors and later popularized by
colonial publications.’ Before then, the "Anago" to which some Yoruba in the
present
Upon the death of Oduduwa, there was the dispersal of his children from
The Igbos would come to town in costumes made of raffia with terrible and
fearsome appearances, and the
Oranmiyan
was the last of the Oduduwa offsprings. But he was the most adventurous and the
founder of
third ruler
of
Afonja refused to recognize the new king, and invited the Fulani who were
then leading a jihad to the south, to assist him against the king. They did, but
he did not survive himself, because the Fulani, after helping him defeat the
Alafin also turned against him. They fired numerous arrows at him and his dead
body was stood erect on those arrows as they stuck into his body. The treachery
of Afonja marked the beginning of the end of the Oyo empire and with it the
decline of the Yoruba nation. Civil war erupted among the various Yoruba
kingdoms: Oyo, Ijesa, Ekiti, Ijaiye,
Now, Since the ancient history of Yoruba is covered, more modern history
should take prevalence. There have been many events that have taken place in the
20th century.
Between 1914 and 1922,
On
In January of 1966, a group of army officers, consisting mostly of the
Ibo peoples, and led by General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, overthrew the central and
regional governments, killed the prime minister, took control of the government,
and got rid of the federal system of government to replace it with a central
government with many Igbos as advisors. This caused a lot of riots and a lot of
Igbos were killed in the process. In July of the same year, a group of northern
army officers revolted against the government (it seems this started a long
history of military coups), killed General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, and appointed
the army chief of staff, General Yakubu Gowon as the head of the new military
government.
In 1967, Gowon moved to split the existing 4 regions of
In 1971,
Though
The history of Yoruba is very interesting. Olodumare, the Supreme Being
of the Yoruba culture, is equivalent to the Christian God. The story of how the
chicken spread the sand across the Earth is similar how God created the Earth in
the Christian Bible. They are very similar but the political view is much more
believable and accepted. As a
student and firm believer of religion (Christianity), I am very interested in
the similarities of the two religions.
I would also love to learn more about the history and other similarities
between the Yoruba and Christianity beliefs.
Sites
Cited:
Oduduwa: The Man Behind it All. 1997
Yoruba:
Past, Present, and Future. Dept. of Foreign Languages,
The
Traditional Government of Yorubaland
Olukemi
Before the British colonized
There are various groups and subgroups in Yorubaland because of the fact
that there are many distinct dialects of Yoruba. The government of this diverse
people is quite intricate and each group and subgroup vary, but in general
government begins at home within your immediate family. The next level is the
clan, or extended family with its own head, Baálé, then the town chiefs, Baálè rule over clans, and these chiefs
are subject to their Oba King, and
this king may also be subject to another larger king (Asiwaju, 20).
In Yorubaland, government begins at home. The father of the family is
considered the head of the family and his first wife is the mother of the house.
If her husband chooses to marry another wife, that wife must show proper respect
to the first wife even if the first wife is chronologically younger. Children
are taught to have respect for all those who are older than they are. This
includes their parents, aunts, uncles, elder siblings, and cousins who they deal
with every day (Bascom, 42). Any adult presumably has as much authority over a
child as the child’s parents do. All members of a particular clan live in the
same compound and share family resources, rights, and possessions such as land
(Boscom 43).
Clans are patrilateral. The continuance of the clan depends on the male.
Women leave the clan and become members of the clan of their husband. Children
belong to the clan of their father. It comes as no surprise that the eldest male
member of a clan is the leader (Baálé). He acts as a father and authority figure
to every member of the clan. One of the main responsibilities of the Baálé is to
peacefully settle disputes within the clan (Bascom 44). Only if a conflict
involves two or more families and it is impossible for the Baálé to make a
peaceful decision is the town chief, Baálè or Olóyè called to settle the
conflict. This is a basic family
government structure in Yorubaland (Boscom 44).
Each kingdom in Yorubaland has its own specifics in government. The
The king’s authority is based on the Yoruba myth of creation. After the
main deity Odua created Yorubaland, he sent his 16 sons to establish kingdoms.
The kingdoms of today all claim their origin from creation, but there is much
debate as to the validity of these claims.
The king (Oba or the Oòni, in the case of Ile Ife) is distinguished by
his right to wear a beaded crown.
This crown symbolizes the kingís authority. A new crown is made for each
Oòni but beads from the crown of his predecessor are used to preserve the link
to Odua (Bascom 30). The king may substitute the crown for a beaded cap, but his
head is never uncovered. Oòni have also been known to use beaded gowns, sandals,
cushions and other items. Solidly beaded items are restricted to the use of the
king.
In many respects the king is considered divine. After being chosen king
from all eligible males of the royal family by the town chiefs, the king will
only see his family incognito and under the cover of darkness. He appears in
public only once a year. He lives isolated in his palace. Town chiefs and palace
chiefs are his only link to the outside (Bascom 32). Kingship doesn’t pass
father to son. The four branches of the royal clan are able to put someone up
for king in rotation, but branches may be skipped if there is no suitable
candidate or if that candidate is somehow incompetent. The branch campaigns its
own eligible males by hosting banquets and showing generosity in other ways
(Bascom 33).
The qualifications that the chiefs look for in a prospective king are
that he must be at least thirty years old, married with a family, and his father
must be dead so that the king is truly subject to no one else. A candidate for
king must prove himself to have good character, to be unselfish, and willing to
listen. Wealth is important to show the generosity of the hopeful Oòni, but it
is not essential (Bascom 31). There is evidence that Oòni have been women in the
past, but today Oòni are predominantly men. The king’s compound can count on his
protection and favor. Socially, they are put above the towns people. The other
royal compounds put themselves below the towns people so that they will not be
considered arrogant or selfish when it’s time to select a new Oòni (Bascom
32).
The Oòni are not so far above the people that tyrants and unsuitable
kings can not be discarded. An Oòni was once selling his own people into
slavery. A mob of citizens and chiefs gathered in front of the king’s palace to
demonstrate their outrage. This is not something the people will do on a purely
political basis. An Oni has seriously abused his power to cause such a
demonstration. When the palace is mobbed in such a way, the king has only two
choices. He may live in exile forever or kill himself (Boscom 33).
The Yoruba people have a unique system of government revolving around
tradition and respect. The fact that government begins at home helps instill
responsibility and good citizenship at an early age. Yoruba government before
European colonization was highly effective. The complex system of heads of
clans, chiefs, and kings varies from kingdom to kingdom, but has enough cultural
basis to allow the Yoruba people to have a sense of identity as a Yoruba
citizen.
Over time, however, it has become increasingly difficult to separate
local and national political processes. Much of the traditional small government
has given way to a more centralized system. The power and autonomy of
local-level political institutions have progressively eroded, with the
significant decisions made in the state capitals or in the federal capital
(Eades 92). The trend towards less local government began with the fall or
decline of many kingdoms in the 19th century (Bascom 27). European and Fulani
penetration also helped set the trend. The most significant factor was the
growing importance of military chiefs (Eades 92). This led to the modification
of political systems of the kingdoms that did survive and the evolution of new
systems in new states. Following British occupation there was a period of
in-direct colonial rule.
The system of in-direct colonial rule continued until the 1950s. The main trend was the growing
involvement of literates and wealthy entrepreneurs in local politics and their
opposition to, or support of, the traditional rulers. Civilian politics lasted
from 1952 to 1966. Power shifted
away from the Native Authorities set up by the British to the new regional and
national governments. Events in Yourbaland became more and more dependent on the
events taking place at the national level. This remained the case in the period
of military rule, during which the break-up of the old political units and
growth of the financial power of the federal government strengthened central
control (Eades 93). With the return to civilian rule under an executive
presidency, as is now occurring, this trend is likely to continue (Eades 94).
New systems of government arose from the problems due to the fall of many
traditional kingdoms and the creation of new ones. Brand new systems had to be devised to
handle the different subcultures within the population in many of the larger
towns and the difficulties of integrating them into a single political system
(Eades 100). The growing power of military commanders and traders and the
decline of traditional political authorities also created problems that new
policies attempted to deal with (Eades 100).
The period of time where
Within their own regions, the dominant parties were able to consolidate
their positions through the distribution of patronage, through control of the
police and the courts and through violence (Eades 111). By the late 1960s up to
the present, Obas and town chiefs have an ambiguous position in government
(Eades 113). The people lacked elected representatives so the Obas and chiefs
became the unofficial voices of the people. Military Governors had the title of
power and the man power to enforce legislation, but they continually sought the
advice of the Obaa and chiefs to gauge the reaction of the people to certain
situations. Not that the counsel of the Obas was always taken seriously (Eades
113).
The military rulers were and are unable to keep the peace. Traditional
and military governments have been in a constant struggle. Over time the
violence has dissipated with the rise of an educated, financially secure
population ready for change.
Governmental power has slowly shifted back to the civilian. This process
is still under way (Eades 115). There is no set formula for local government in
Yorubaland, but the people are working hard to attain an efficient democracy
(Eades 115). The relationship between local and state governments still need to
be discerned before there can be a distinct structure in local government. Any
government must have the ability to effectively tax its citizens. This has been
an ongoing problem with the many small local governments and larger ones that
have risen and fallen in the past. Another problem Yoruba citizens must face is
attracting educated and suitable local officials.
The state and national governments are much more promising and rewarding
paths for politicians. The final stumbling block to local governments is the
prestige and influence that the traditional rulers still maintain (Eades 116).
They are still considered leaders in thought and are given some clout in local
affairs.
Bibliography
Asiwaju,
A.I.:
Bascom,
William: The Yoruba of
Eades, J.S.:
The Yoruba Today.
Laitin,
David D.: Hegemony and Culture. The
Ojo, Afolabi
G.J.: Yoruba Culture.
Olusanya,
G.O.: Studies in Yoruba History and Culture. University Press Ltd.,
Nigerian
(Yoruba) Traditional Family Structure
Kolade
Purpose of
the Paper
This paper provides an account of sex role differences in the Nigerian
household (focusing primarily on farming). The paper focuses on the division of
labor, income, and financial obligations.
Introduction
There are several reasons why sex role differences are particularly
relevant within the context of the Sub-Saharan. First , a variety of studies
indicate that the chief constraint on agricultural production in this region is
labor availability at critical times of the year. Labor bottlenecks manifest
themselves during peak farming periods when several operations such as planting,
ridging, thinning, and weeding must be performed simultaneously. Labor
availability to meet these peak requirements places a limit on the amount of
land that a family can farm and on the ability of a farming household to adopt
labor-increasing technologies.
These problems relating to the availability and seasonality of farm labor
can be illustrated by sex role differences. In most areas of Sub-Saharan Africa,
cultural traditions have created a sharp sexual division of labor in the
household. Men and women typically
control different crops and carry out different tasks. For example, women might do all the
weeding and men might do all the planting or harvesting. These difference in
task account for the substantial differences in the amount of time spent by each
sex on farm and household labor.
Second, in addition to their different labor roles, women and men in the
African farming household typically have different sources of income and
different financial responsibilities. Each gender's sources of assets and income
are generally linked to their different obligations and labor roles. Women are
frequently responsible for their own and their children's food and clothing, and
women's contribution to their family's nutrition may be crucial at certain times
of the year. Men's earnings frequently go toward large farming and family
expenses and toward their own personal expenses.
For instance, a woman earns and controls income from yams, a crop from
which she performs most of her labor. A woman uses yam to feed her family, and
she then uses the proceeds from the sale of surplus yams to meet other
responsibilities of household expenses. Men earn and control income from millet
and rice, crops which are used for home consumption but which are also important
market crops. Different sources of income and financial responsibilities can
mean a lack of incentive for one sex to contribute labor to crop production that
financially benefits the other sex. Different returns to labor for each sex can
also cause labor bottlenecks in the face of conflict over labor allocations. For
example, if women who are typically responsible for producing food crops for
home consumption should increase their labor in cash crop production, which is
frequently a male income-earning activity.
While there is much variation, women have important roles in food
production in Sub-Saharan Africa, and in some areas they are the primary
producers. Women are estimated to perform 60 to 80 percent of all agricultural
work and to provide up to 70 percent of the region's food. In
The
HouseHold
The different Nigerian groups live in compounds. The compounds are made
up of huts, between three and forty in a compound. The number of people living in a
compound varies, with the average being seventeen members. The living in the
compound form an extended patrilineal polygamous family consisting of a compound
head, his wife or wives, their children, unmarried adult daughters, adult sons
and their wives and children. The size of the farm reflects the amount of
agriculturally active people in the compound. The head has control of land and the
size of the fields of each person in the compound. In practice, discussion of
all the land takes place with all the male members present. The ranking of the
co-wives and the age of household members are among the factors that affect
one's status within the household.
The family is characterized by the extended family sytems. The central purpose of marriage is to
have children. In addition to parents' own children, relatives children are
often adopted in order to demonstrated their concern and regard for the family
members. The practice of polygamy
is wide spread among most of the groups in
Parent-Child
Relationships
The manner
in which Nigerian parents care for their children varies greatly in different
regions. The method of child care is dependent upon several factors. If the
family is very poor and the mother has to work some distance from the house,
other members of the family, such an older brother of sister, aunt, cousin, or
grandmother will care for the children while the mother is away during the day.
Another variation of this kind of child care is that when the family is poor,
they may send some of their children to more prosperous relatives living in
other towns of villages. This may occur even if the family is not indigent. In
such instances, the motive is to unite family ties more solidly. Although this
traditional adoption method of raising children is still popular in the present
day, modern families are beginning to become more wealthy and educated and seem
not to practice this as much as in the past. This probably has to do with families
being more well to do than they were in the past. Therefore, some do not see the need as
their parents did.
But in general, children’s reactions during adoption is no different than
here in the
Since
Conclusion
In conclusion, Nigerian families are generally more involved in the
rearing of children. The father is usually the primary income supplier in the
family with the mother doing extra or smaller jobs to supplement the entire
family income. Families are closer together, as extended family members live in
the same household. This makes the whole family closer in their relationship,
and everyone takes on a role in raising the same children. Unlike the households
in the
Yoruba
Traditional Marriage
Olufemi (Abo)
Introduction
Yoruba marriage customs have been greatly influenced by contact with
other cultures, but the Yorubas have nevertheless retained their own individual
traditions and methods. In
Yoruba
Traditional Marriage
In Yoruba culture, nearly everyone marries. Traditionally, Yorubas
practice both monogamy and polygamy, but the latter is the most common of the
two. Although western contact has changed customs and rituals in every area to
some extent, in some ways traditional beliefs about marriage remain intact in
Yorubaland, even though they are now expressed in different ways. There were
several purposes, traditionally, for marriage. One of the most important was
creating ties between families. According to Mann (1985), Yoruba marriage is "a
union of lineages, not individuals" (p. 37). Traditional marriages were
arranged, and they did not necessarily involve love or romance at all, but they
joined two separate families as well as providing for children and starting a
man in his own life, separate from his father.
For the man involved, marriage had many advantages. It enabled him to
have (legitimate) children, and it provided him with domestic help. In modern
times, only a few men choose to stay single, and they are mostly Christian in
religion rather than traditional or Muslim. For the woman, marriage provided
financial security (although women had their own incomes and might even be
richer than their husbands), and social status. However, some Yorubas could not
easily marry. Since marriage affects one's extended family and relatives as much
as oneself, families make extensive inquiries about a potential mate for their
sons and daughters. If a person could be a carrier of a hereditary disease, or
if one had a severe physical or mental problem, such as insanity, leprosy, or
epilepsy, one might be unable to marry.
Remarriage
and Alternative Weddings
As with most parts of
The second type of wedding is an informal one by mutual consent of the
individuals involved. This is becoming more common in modern times. These
weddings can also be Christian or sometimes Muslim or just legal and non
religious. They usually do not involve as much ceremony as the first type, nor
do they always involve the payment of bride wealth to the girl's family.
Courting for this type of marriage is done directly by the parties involved,
usually with their parent's consent, and not by intermediaries as is
traditional.
The third type, a gift, is usually a Muslim wedding and not Christian or
traditional. If a girl is troublesome or wild, or if a girl's father wishes to
show special honor to a friend, he may give his daughter as a gift to a husband
with no exchange of dowry. Her father may do this to show his generosity. He may
also do it to bring her under control in the close supervision of her husband's
home and his older wives. The fourth type of marriage is called the levirate. If
a woman's husband dies, she may be given over to the care of another family
member, such as a brother or cousin of the husband. If she does not like the man who is to
inherit her, she can sue for divorce. This type of marriage can be Muslim or
traditional, but not Christian.
Finding a
Spouse
Traditional weddings in the past were always arranged by the families of
the bride and groom. The family ensured that the marriage was appropriate and
socially acceptable, and it went to great lengths to make certain that the
marriage was a good match and would be happy and prosperous. However, its
efforts were focused more on the general acceptability of the prospective mate
than on his or her specific desirability for the son or daughter for whom they
sought a spouse. The family of a young man begins to seek his wife usually after
he goes through puberty. Girls could be betrothed between the ages of five and
ten but not married off until when they have passed puberty around their late
teen or early twenties.
For a man's first marriage, his parents and extended family makes the
arrangements, found the girl, and paid the bride-price. For later marriages, he
does it for himself, or his senior wife might do it. A family seeking a wife for
one of its sons had several considerations. They sought a girl who lived close
enough for the union to be convenient and who was healthy and came from a good,
responsible, healthy family. They could not marry their son to a blood relative,
even a distant one. They also sought a girl with good parents. They inquired
about her mother's character, assuming the girl was likely to turn out like her
mother. They also avoided a girl whose parents were immoral (for then she might
be the same) or careless with money (for a man could be saddled with his
father-in-law's debts).
Once a boy's parents found a girl they considered suitable, an
intermediary approached the girl's family. Her parents then make the same
inquiries about his family, searching for any relationship to themselves, for
diseases, and anything else that could make the marriage unsuccessful,
unproductive, or a liability to the family. If the results of these inquiries
were unfavorable, the girl's parents would not say so directly, but they would
consult the Ifa priest. Then they would tell the parents of the young man that
the divination was unfavorable, and that would end it. If, on the other hand,
the family was acceptable, this response would be communicated through an
intermediary, and the engagement was sealed by payment of the ijowun, a gift from the man's family to
the girl's and the first installment of the bride wealth.
Today, the vast majority of Yorubas no longer practice arranged
marriages. Western contact has
influenced them so that most marriages are based on the choice of the
individuals involved. Parents approve of one's choice and pay a bride-price
(Delano, 1937: 121). This is the second type of marriage, marriage by mutual
consent.
Betrothal
Throughout the betrothal period, which lasted 10-15 years, until the girl
was about 20, the girl called the man her oko, husband, and he called her his iyawo, bride. She was not permitted to
meet or speak to her husband or to members of his family, except in some Yoruba
groups which allow the groom to pay an extra bride-price fee: owo ibasuro, money for speaking. This is
not a very widespread custom; for the most part, traditionally, engaged couples
did not overtly interact at all.
The bride-price was usually paid in two installments, the ijowun and the idana. The ijowun consisted of pepper,
kolas, beer, wine, gin, bitter kola, and honey. It was paid when the girl's
parents accepted the man for their daughter, and it legally sealed the
engagement. The second installment, the idana, included the same things as the
ijowun plus some cloth wrappers. Bride-wealth could also be paid in three
installments: the engagement sealing, "love money" paid before the girl's third
year of puberty, when she became marriageable, and "wife money" paid just before
the wedding.
On the days when dowry payments were sent, the households of both the man
and the girl feasted and celebrated separately all day. When delegates from the
groom arrived with the dowry, the girl's family would carefully examine all the
articles to see if any were defective. If they were, they would be returned to
be exchanged. Sometimes the delegates would bring replacement articles in case
of such an event. If the items were acceptable, the girl would be asked if the
payment should be accepted, and she would answer yes. Then the dowry was
received, and the delegates who brought it were given gifts. The girl's family
would beat drums to indicate that the items were good, and then the dancing in
that household would begin.
There were, in traditional times, professional dowry bearers. They would
receive a gift for their services from both families. When they came to the
girl's house with the dowry, they would say, " We spied a red rose in your
garden, and we come to pick it." The girl's father would reply that they had no
red rose for the guests. This would continue for a while until the dowry bearers
were invited inside and the dowry was accepted or refused. When the dowry had
been accepted, the bearers, after receiving a gift, would return home singing, "
We won our case, certainly. They gave us a daughter, certainly " (Delano, 1937:
127-128). Bride wealth is also paid for a Christian marriage, but it is done a
little differently. Christian weddings in
The dowry was not, for the most part, retained by either the girl or her
family. The cloth wrappers of the idana went to the girl, and her father might
keep a bottle of wine from either or both of the dowry payments. The rest of the
items were distributed to the girl's friends and to clubs of which she was a
member. If she was involved in many groups and had many friends, each might only
receive a small gift, such as one kola nut.
Bride wealth served several important purposes. Legally, it was the most
important factor to be settled in the event of a divorce: to divorce her
husband, a woman must return his bride wealth. It represented the commitment to
the marriage by both individuals and their families, and it was a safeguard
against breaking that commitment. It kept the wife from cheating on or
disrespecting her husband because it would have to be repaid for her to leave
him. It also prevented the husband from mistreating his wife because he had made
a large financial investment in her. Finally, the bride-price legally
established the woman's husband as the father of her children. .A proverb about
this says, " One who does not own a kola tree cannot have its fruit " (Bascom,
1969: 60).
When a woman reached marriageable age (the third year of puberty), her
body was decorated with beauty marks by a surgeon. Her fiancee was required to
pay for this and to provide the necessary materials, such as oil, dye, etc. This
was also a hint to the bridegroom to go ahead and set a date for the wedding. He
did this also through his intermediary, and he was required to show eagerness
for the date to be sooner rather than later.
Relatives
A groom-to-be had many obligations to fulfill to his in-laws in addition
to paying the bride-price. He had to pay annual gifts of the best of his farm's
produce to them. This was not a hardship as these gifts were always very small.
He also was required to be available to help his father-in-law with manual labor
and farmwork if he were asked. When his father-in-law asks him for help, which
was done most often in building and rebuilding houses, the groom would go to
help along with his egbe, his group
of friends and age mates. They would spend the day working on the
father-in-law's farm, doing whatever was asked of them. Also, sons-in-law were
responsible for giving gifts and services on special occasions, particularly
upon the death of the old relatives or grandparents of his wife or fiancee.
For this, one might suspect that the Yorubas would often prefer daughters
to sons. Sons-in-law are always required to be respectful and helpful to his
wife's family. Fadipe says, "to have many daughters is to have many people to
call into one's service" (1970: 77). If a groom-to-be fails to fulfill his
obligations to his fiancee's family, the engagement may be broken off, the dowry
returned, and a more resourceful suitor sought.
Wedding
Ceremonies
Compared to the large celebrations associated with dowry payments, the
traditional wedding ceremony was often a fairly quiet affair, but it still
involves much celebration. On the morning of her wedding day, the bride was
bathed and dressed by her father's wives. Then she went to her parents and was
received with honor and outward display of respect by them for the first time in
her life. Her father would greet her and bless her. Then her mother, weeping,
would also bless her and talk to her about married life and home management.
Both mother and daughter would weep and embrace and say their first farewells.
The girl then spent most of the day quietly in her room with her best friends
while the rest of the household danced and feasted.
Towards evening, the household would sit in assembly with the head of the
household presiding. He would call for the bride to come in to them because the
family had decided to give her in marriage that day. She came in with her face
covered and was lectured again about married life. Then came the ekun iyawo, the bride's cry/weeping. She
would say some moving farewell sentences that she had memorized to her mother,
family, and friends. She would weep a great deal, as would everyone else.
Then the wedding procession would leave for the groom's house. This
consisted of the bride, four young men of her father's house, her egbe (age mates), four wives of her
extended family, and her bridesmaid (usually a niece or first cousin). When they
arrive at his home, the groom's senior wife, if he had one, or the last wife in
the groom's extended family, would welcome the bride and walk her in on her
shoulder. The leader of the four young men would greet the family and deliver
the bride's father's message: that she should have many children, that she
should not go hungry or do exactly as she wished, that she was inexperienced and
not always agreeable and could be chastised if she caused offense. Then she was
handed over to her father-in-law.
If she was not the first wife of her husband, she was adopted during her
betrothal by one of his senior wives. This wife, who carried her into their
husband's home, also washed her feet with water holding money, so she would be
rich, and with an infusion of leaves, so she would bear children. Then she went
to her husband's room. There was very little rejoicing in his household until
she was found to be a virgin. If she was, the proof of it was sent to her family
the next day with a message of thanks for preserving her for her husband. If
not, a symbolic message, such as a half-full jug of palm-wine or a kola nut with
holes in it, was sent without a message. The meaning was understood, and the
girl remained with her husband but was a disgrace to both families.
Traditionally, a woman had only one wedding ceremony in her life. If her
husband died or she was divorced, she could sometimes remarry, but there would
be no wedding ceremony. Men, however, could have numerous wedding ceremonies if
they married several wives after a betrothal.
Polygamy
Polygamy was traditionally very acceptable and common in
Within a polygamous marriage, there is usually little or no jealousy
among the wives. Each has a certain status with respect to the others, and each
has her own responsibilities, duties, and privileges. Younger wives are
responsible for child care and usually for the more unpleasant household tasks.
Older wives are often traders or businesswomen and sometimes travel extensively.
Junior wives must always show respect to senior wives in a compound, and this
seniority is determined not by age but by date of marriage. When a man marries a
new wife, she is responsible for the most unpleasant jobs for the first year or
so. If she sees another wife working, she must offer to help, and if her offer
is refused, she must be persistent and offer several times. Usually, the senior
wife eventually gives in to her.
Divorce
Traditionally, divorce in Yorubaland was very rare. The husband's family
with whom the couple lived acted to soothe arguments, and the presence of
children who belonged to her husband helped prevent a woman from seeking a
divorce. Because of polygamy, men had little incentive for divorcing wives.
However, even in the past women sometimes divorced their husbands for reasons of
excessive abuse, habitual laziness, drunkenness, or infectious disease. Or, if a
woman's husband died, she could divorce the family if she did not want to go to
the man who was to inherit her.
Even today, when divorce is much more common than it used to be, the
process is essentially the same. The important issue is repaying the husband his
bride-price. A divorce court investigates to determine exactly how much was
paid, and someone must pay the husband that amount in order for his wife to
divorce him. If his wife leaves him for another man, the new man pays the
bride-price, and she becomes his wife.
In the past, a woman might seek a divorce because of extreme cruelty, and
she would go to the king's palace and take hold of one of the pillars. If her
husband found her there, he could not touch her. If a man wanted a wife, he
could go there and pick one. He would then pay a clerk an agreed-upon price and
take her home as his wife. Modern marriages are more likely to end in divorce.
When a Christian marriage divorced, under British law the husband had to pay his wife alimony. Sometimes women
took advantage of this, divorcing their husbands just to get alimony.
In Yorubaland, the modern world has influenced every area of life, and
marriage and families are no exception. The Yoruba culture is flexible and
resilient and has changed without being destroyed. Today, Nigerian culture is a
colorful blend of African, European, and Arabic traditions. Although the
traditional methods of engagement and marriage are fading out, the Yorubas put a
native twist on every tradition they adopt, and their heritage continues to
influence the cultures that influence it.
Yoruba
Naming Ceremony
Titilayo
Introduction
The following pages are dedicated to giving an in-depth explanation of
the Yoruba naming ceremony ranging from the role played by the elder conducting
the ceremony to the meaning and purpose for naming a child. By knowing and
understanding all that is incorporated into the ceremony, a person will have a
clearer view of how intertwined Yoruba names are with the culture. Following the naming ceremony there will
be a few notes given about the linguistic applications of Yoruba names.
Linguistically, the names can be studied for language learning purposes (word
order and vocabulary).
More importantly, by studying the meanings and structure of the names, a
person can gain some knowledge of the basic applications of the Yoruba language
and important traditional beliefs of the culture. Finally, the paper will
conclude with regards to some modern day influences and effects surrounding the
choice of a name and the traditional applications of the Yoruba Naming
ceremony.
Yoruba
Naming Ceremony
The naming ceremony is an important affair among the Yorubas. It is an ancient practice that holds
many purposes such as giving a child its name, welcoming the child into the
community, congratulating the parents for such a happy and fortunate time (a
divine blessing acknowledged), and making predictions for the child’s future
(Chuks-orji 1972, p. 75-76). Before the ceremony can begin the family must first
select the correct and appropriate name for the child. The name will either be
an amutorunwa name (a name ‘brought
from the other world (heaven)’: mu...wa ‘bring’ ti ‘from’ orun ‘ heaven/other world’) or an abiso (‘given at birth’) a name which
reflects the circumstances surrounding a child’s birth, usually pertaining to
the family but can also refer to natural phenomena occurring around the time of
the child’s birth (Rowlands 1996, p. 216-217).
After the child’s name has been selected by either the parents or older
relatives it will not be announced until the day of the naming ceremony which is
called ikomojade (‘brought out’ - ko...jade) (p. 217). Traditionally, for
boys, the naming ceremony will take place on the ninth day after the birth, the
seventh day for a female, twins of both sexes on the eighth day, and Moslem
children of either sex are invariably named on the eighth day (Johnson 1969,
79). If the child is not named within seven to nine days after birth then it is
believed that the child will not outlive it’s parent of the same sex. Nowadays,
the practice is to have the naming ceremony on the eighth day, irrespective of
gender, number of children or religious beliefs of the parent.
The naming ceremony usually begins in the early morning or early
afternoon (Chuks-orji 79). The
ceremony may take place inside or outside of the child’s home. Traditionally, it
occurs out of doors, so that the bare feet of the child may be placed on the
ground - “his/her first steps guided in the right direction” (W1). The ceremony will mark the first time
the child leaves the home. This also will be the first day that the mother has
left the home since delivery. Others present during the ceremony range from
relatives to any member of the community that takes interest in welcoming the
child. Each person will bring a gift (clothing, money, blankets, etc.) for
either the child or the parents. Only women give gifts to the mother and men
give gifts to the father. If the ceremony takes place inside, the guests will
leave their gifts at the door upon arrival (Chuks-orji 79).
After about an hour after the guests have arrived the Iya Ikoko (‘mother of newborn’) emerges with her
child and hands the Ikoko / Omo
tuntun (‘newborn child’) to the chosen elder who will officiate throughout
the ceremony. The role of the elder officiating holds a special, symbolic, and
traditional importance. Within Yoruba culture, the elderly are considered to be
the ones most closely related to the very young ‘since the infant is seen as but
recently returned from where the aged is preparing to go’ (Chuks-orji
p.77). Because of this special bond
it seems most appropriate for the elder to be the first to guide the
child.
The rituals of the ceremony begin when a jug of water is tossed up onto
the roof (traditional homes are low-roofed) so that the child being held under
the eaves will catch the falling sprays of water (Johnson p.79). Inside the home
the water is sprinkled towards the ceiling. If the child cries when it is
touched by the falling drops this is considered as a good sign for it is
believed this is an indication that the child has come to stay, “since only
living things can produce noise of their own accord” (Chuks-orji
79).
The water is the first of many ceremonial items to be introduced to the
child. The Yoruba people generally believe that “when they present certain
materials to the child at the beginning of his life, he/she will make positive
use and not negative use of them when he becomes an adult” (W2). Water is used
because it is very important to people. It’s use in the ceremony reflects the
importance of the child to his/her family (W2). After the child is sprinkled
with water the elder whispers the child’s new name into its ear. Next, the elder
dips his finger into the water and upon touching the child’s forehead he
announces the new name to everyone present (Chuks-orji 79). The elder then turns
to seven specially filled vessels. Within these vessels each ingredient
constitutes a unique symbol in the ontological world of the Yorubas into which
the child is being initiated (Madubuike 1976, 86).
The first vessel consists of red pepper of which the elder gives a small
taste to the child. The pepper symbolizes that the child will be resolute and
have command over the forces of nature. The pepper is then passed around for the
entire assemblage to taste. After the pepper, the child tastes water, signifying
purity of body and spirit (freedom from disease). Next, the elder offers a taste
of salt which symbolizes the flavor of wisdom and intelligence of which it is
wished that the child is divinely fed (Chuks-orji 80). Another view of the
salt’s importance leans toward the importance of salt to any food for its
palatability. This is used to correspond to the child’s generally perceived
importance to the community. “When any person is said to be as salt to his
people, it means he brings joy, happiness, and even sweetness where there is
bitterness “ (W2). Following the salt, comes palm oil which is touched to the
child’s lips, a wish for power and health like that of royalty. The child then
tastes honey signifying for the child to be as sweet as honey to his/her
community, to have happiness, and, most importantly, for him/her not to be
ostracized by his/her people when the child has grown to adulthood (W2). After honey, liquor or wine flavors the
child’s lips for all the wealth and prosperity that the child will have.
Finally, the child is given a taste of kola nut, symbolic of a wish for
the child’s good fortune (Chuks-orji p.80). The parents, particularly the
father, may add materials to the ceremony after the seven basic ingredients have
been introduced to the child. Extra materials may include objects that symbolize
the clan deity of the family. For example: “Ogun,” god of iron; the parent may
require that a knife or sword be used in the ceremony (W2). After the final item
has been passed around to all guests the ritual is complete and the festivities
begin. Feasting (brief ceremonial food list provided after this report),
dancing, and rejoicing will last into the early hours of the next
day.
During the festivities, sometimes musicians sing songs and praise the
child, it’s parents, and relatives, and friends. This is a tradition best
performed by Ewi poets who are known for the “richness of
their word, the artistry of their use of idioms and proverbs, and their deep
knowledge of the Yoruba language.” (W3). By singing (proverbial) praises to
those at the naming ceremony the Ewi helps to celebrate the arrival of the
child into the family and to embrace it into the arms of the community. An
example of an Ewi poem for a naming
ceremony can be found at the end of this paper
After the naming ceremony the child has at least three different names
which will guide the child through life. The first is the oruko (‘personal’) name which is either an amutorunwa (brought from heaven) name or
an abiso name. Secondly, there is the oriki (‘praise name’) which expresses what the
child is or what is hoped he or she will become. Thirdly, the child has his/her
oriki orile which is a name indicative of the
child’s kinship group’s name (Chuks-orji 80). The following paragraphs give a
brief overview of the three name types just mentioned. It is recommended that
one takes note of how the meanings of the names are created internally and to
see how the names tie in with cultural labeling of people and their traditional
beliefs and practices. Yoruba names tell stories. If one knows enough of the stories then
one may begin to understand the Yoruba background and
perspective.
The choice of an oruko name depends on many factors such as time
of day, a specific day, or a special circumstance relating to the child,
parents, extended family, or the whole community which attends the child’s
birth. The amutorunwa is applied to all children born under
like circumstances. The most important of these is that of twin (ibeji) birth. The name of the first born
of twins will always be Taiwo (To-aiye-wo ‘have the first taste of the world’).
The second born will be Kehinde (‘he
who lags behind’).
The child born after twins, female or male, will be named Idowu. Most Idowus
are considered stubborn and heady and if they do not arrive after a
mother’s twins there is a superstition that the mother may go mad; the wild and
stubborn Idowu , ‘flying into her
head’ will render her insane. The next to twins in importance of Amutorunwa names is the child called Oni (‘today’) which from its birth cries
incessantly day and night. After
Oni the next child will always
be named Ola (‘tomorrow’) and the
next will be Otunla (‘day after
tomorrow’). Within the Isin people the names are taken up to the eighth born
called Ijoni. Other Amutorunwa names: Ige is a child born feet first...Abiose is born on a holy day...Dada is a child born with curly hair...Abiodun is born at the new year or during
any annual festival...Johojo is a
child whose mother died at it’s birth...(Johnson 1969, p.
80-81).
If the child is not born with a ‘brought from heaven’ name then the
family will decide the child’s abiso name. There is a proverb which says ile l’a nwa k’a to so omo l’oruko ‘we always look at the household before
we give a child a name, and in fact, “the abiso names reflect the circumstances or
feelings of the family. `They may also refer to the particular cult which a
family practices (Rowlands 217). The
abiso will always go unknown
until the naming ceremony. This name is very important because throughout it’s
life, the child’s behavior will reflect the name given. Commonly, chosen abiso names make reference to the child
directly and indirectly to the family (Ayodele ‘joy enter the house,’ Omoteji ‘a child big enough for two), or
refer directly to family and indirectly to the child (Iyapo ‘many trials,’ Ogundalenu ‘our home has been devastated
by war,’) or they may reflect the deity worshipped in the family (Sangobunmi ‘Sango (god of thunder and lightning)
gave me this,’ Fafunke ‘Ifa gave me
this to pet’ (Johnson 82-83).
Also, under the oruko name a
special category of names emerges with the abiku (‘born to die’) children. These children
are believed to belong to a group of demons that commonly reside in the woods
around Iroko trees. Before they come into the world
they already have chosen the time when they will return back to the other
demons. The demons are connected with women who lose several children in
infancy, especially after a short period of illness. Special names are given to these
children in hopes that they will not leave upon their pre-arranged dates. This
superstition attempts to explain the high rate of infant mortality of the
people. The abiku names range in
meaning, attempts to persuade the children to stay and not to be taken away from
unseen forces. Examples: Malomo ‘do not go again’...Oku ‘the dead’...Tiju-iku‘ be ashamed to die’...Duro-ori-ike ‘wait and see how you will be petted’
(Johnson 85-86).
The oriki is an attributive praise name. “It is
intended to have a stimulating effect on the child” (85). Male names usually
reflect something heroic, strong, and brave while female names often seem to be
terms of endearment, affection, and praise.
Males:
Ajamu :
‘one you fight/struggle to choose/select/pick’
Ajani ‘one you fight/struggle to
have/own/possess.’
Females:
Ayoka
‘one who causes joy all around,’
Apinke
‘one to be jointly pampered or petted.’
Only elders can address children with oriki names (one will be addressed by
his Oriki only by someone older or except in cases where the younger person is
singing the praise of the older person at a ceremony and so on). Finally, there
is the oruko orile ‘the name
reflecting family origin.’ It is very important when trying to trace a family or
lineage line. Children of both sexes usually take on their father’s orile or totem name. The orile names are said to be descended
from objects or animals that represent a family lineage (Erin ‘elephant’ ...connected to the
original line of the kings (Johnson 86).
By gaining a deep working knowledge of varying oruko, oriki, and oruko orile, a
foreigner among the Yorubas would have a very good starting vocabulary of the
culture’s language. Throughout time, culture and language have traveled in
parallel paths. With Yoruba, the two seem to embrace one another. Because the
two seem to intertwine, it is not surprising to see and hear people always
praising and singing names. It is as though they are at the same time singing in
praise of their culture and it’s ancestors. In the English speaking societies
people usually have little or no meaningful significance to their names. Their
names usually cannot reveal hints into the particular person’s personality or
behavior. This seemingly reflects more of a separation between language
functions, incorporating names, and culture. English seems to wave from a distance
while Yoruba seeks to fill the space in between. The revealing code to such a
nice language/culture combination emerges from the linguistic make-up of Yoruba
names. It uses the vocabulary of the language to combine and create names.
These combinations can range from the basic Noun-Noun combination (Ife-Olu=Ifeolu ‘the love of God.’) to
simple sentences (Ore-d’ola=Oredola
‘friendship becomes an honor’)/(Akin-ni-a-bi=Akinlabi ‘it is a brave man
that we have given birth to’). Due to these existing name structures and
meanings, a person is given a view into Yoruba culture and vice
versa. Modupe Oduyoye wrote in his book, Yoruba Names, that by teaching
non-native speakers the Yoruba language through the studying of Yoruba names,
the speakers would obtain multiple opportunities to learn about Yoruba culture,
grammar, and, also, to practice utterances and speech. Yoruba names, whether
phrases or complete sentences, are written as single words. “The names, therefore, mirror exactly
the stream of utterance situation” (Oduyoye 1972:3). For example, instead of Olu re mi l’ekun written as a sentence it would appear
written as Oluremilekun (God has
consoled me) as a name “which gives a better guide for pronunciation and for
conversation.” Oduyoye believes that since one does not pause after each word of
speech, one should learn utterances, not isolated words (p.
4).
Oduyoye’s linguistic view of names divides into two parts: structural
classification and cultural classification. Structurally, Yoruba names cover
many grammatical grounds. For example, the use of compound verbs and splitting
verbs (ko...de ‘to collect...to arrive’), Ko re de = Korede ‘gather good things in,’ Ko ayo de = Kayode ‘bring joy in.’ Now, imagine, if one knew how to use
this grammatical structure and all the others that were needed to create names
and had a medium sized vocabulary, one would be able to converse at possibly an
intermediate level and have a nice open door glimpse into important cultural
aspects reflected in words used when creating names.
Another interesting grammatical structure is that of the noun forming
prefixes, low-tone/à/ and mid-tone/a/. The low tone prefix forms abstract nouns
from verbs or verb phrases. It can mean “à- thing which...” or “ a- person
whom...”
1. Àbike (A bi ke ) ‘someone born to be
petted or pampered'
2. Àjani (A ja ni)
‘someone possessed through struggle.’
The mid-tone prefix /a/ means ‘the person who...’
1. Aboderin (a b’ode rin) ‘one
who walks with a hunter’
2. Akerele (A kere le )
‘one who in spite of being small is strong and
tough.’
With basic grammar structures and a seemingly endless vocabulary,
families can create names that are distinct and truly, meaningfully unique: (Modupe (Mo dupe) ‘I give thanks’...Morohunmubo (mo ri ohun mu bo ) ‘I found
something to bring back’...Kokumo (Ko ku mo) ‘he no longer dies...Kotoye (ko to I ye) ‘it is not enough to
...’ (Oduyoye 1-60).
'Oruko n ro o' refers to one’s name having a
psychological effect on one’s behavior. This saying reiterates the important
emphasis upon choosing the correct name among the Yoruba people. It is a solemn
undertaking ‘for the name one gives to one’s child is the name the world will
call him throughout life.” (p. 67). All aspects of life which the Yoruba people
consider of high importance will be reflected in the names: religion (Olu se ye= Oluseye ‘ God wrought a thing
of dignity’...Esu bi eyi=
Esubiyii ‘Esu gave birth to
this one’), the humanities [music (Ayandele ‘the drummer reaches home’) and
art (Onafeka ‘art needs learning’),
protection and strength of home (Odebiyii ‘ a hunter gave birth to this
one’...Akinluyii ‘ valor is dignity’)
, birth, death, nature, and high status levels (Oba fe mi = Obafemi ‘the king loves me’ ] (Oduyoye
60-86).
Today, Yoruba names can be found with strong Christian and Muslim
influences. Ever since colonizations, many have begun to adopt more
Christian-like names such as Samuel or Joseph so as to conform with western
ways. Modern conditions of having
people’s names registered for all types of purposes such as birth registrations,
marriages, deaths, voting lists, school lists, etc. all have caused most Yorubas
to adopt a West European system with surnames and a limited number of forenames
occurring in a fixed order (Rowlands 216-128). Some may use the order of
Christian name and then oruko for surname. Others may structure
themselves with the oruko orile and then the father’s oruko. Such modern combinations,
unfortunately, make tracing one’s ancestral background difficult if not
impossible.
In conclusion, naming ceremonies may shrink with guest size and new
symbolic western materials may be added but it seems that the naming ceremony is
too imbedded into the society by it’s language and culture for it to be
forgotten and left out. The naming ceremony welcomes, connects, and reminds a
person that all Yoruba names are each unique personal stories that reflect not
only one person but the family, community, and culture as a whole: past and
present. Culturally and linguistically, names thrive within the Yoruba culture,
always reconnecting the old with the new so as to know one’s origins of the
past, to gain understanding of the present, and to have guidance into the
future.
(Excerpt
from a ) Yoruba Naming Ceremony Ewi Poem
by
Abiodun Adepoju
OLOMO
LO LAIYE
To have a child, is to have joy in life.
OMO
TII TOJU ARA
A child who takes care of the family,
TII
TOJU ILE
that takes care of the home,
TII
TOJU BABA
that takes care of the father.
FUN
WA LOMO ATATA
Give us a precious child,
TII
MUNU IYA DUN.
that makes the mother happy.
OMO
TITUN TO WAS SILE AIYE
The baby is newly arrived.
OBI
AORE ATOJULOMO
Parents, friends & family, you are all
EMA
JU ALEJO OMO TITUN
commended for the baby;
OROGBO
LO NI KOO GBO SAIYE
May the baby have a long life.
KOO
GBO PELU DERA.
A long life in comfort
OMO
OWO KII KU LOJU OWO
The child of the hand does not die while the hand looks
on.
BEE
NI OMO ESE KII KU LOJU ESE
The child of the leg does not die while the leg looks
on
OMO
WA O NII KU
Our baby shall not die.
Twins in
Yoruba Society
Oluseyi
Introduction
“Twins in Yoruba Society” is a paper about the history of twins in
Nigeria, but more specifically, Yorubaland. The paper begins with the story of the
first twins among the Yoruba, which influences the way twins are viewed today.
It concentrates on practices in the past of, within certain areas, of killing
twins at birth. It also looks at how twins are treated in the Yoruba society
today. It discusses the names assigned to twins and the children born after
twins. Then it concludes by talking about the ceremony for twins when they are
born.
Twins in
Yoruba Society
The birth of twins has always been a fascinating phenomena among humans.
In the past, twins have been killed or praised simply because of this phenomena.
The Yoruba culture has an interesting history relating to twins. In this society
twins have their own orisa. They are often associated with monkeys
because of the story of the first twins. Since Yoruba names have significant
meaning behind them it is only natural for twins to have specific names as well
as the children born after twins.
Ibeji is the orisha of the
“twin-gods.” The name comes fromibi meaning “birth” and eji meaning “two” (Farrow, 1926: 58). Ibeji is also the deity of all twins. There is
a black species of monkey that dwells in mangrove bushes and is very agile. This
monkey is sacred to Ibeji , although
it is not an orisa, it may have offerings of fruit given to it (Farrow, 1926).
This monkey is named Edun Dudu meaning “black twin.” A shrine to Ibeji was built at a place called Erupo,
between Lagos and Badagry. All twins and parents of twins are supposed to visit
the temple at least once.
There is a very interesting story of how twins came among the Yoruba
people. The story begins in ancient times in the town of Isokun, which later
became a part of Oyo:
“There was a farmer who was known everywhere as a hunter of monkeys.
Because his fields produced good crops, monkeys came from the bush and fed
there. The monkeys became a pestilence to the farmer. He tried to drive them
away. But they came, they went, they returned again to feed. The farmer could
not leave his fields unguarded. He and his sons took turns watching over the
fields. Still the monkeys came and had to be driven away with stones and arrows.
Because of his desperation and anger the farmer went everywhere to kill the
monkeys. He hunted them in the
fields, he hunted them in the bush, he hunted them in the forest, hoping to end
the depredations on his farm. But
the monkeys refused to depart from the region, and they continued their forays
on the farmer’s crops. They even devised ways of distracting the farmer and his
sons. A few of them would appear at a certain place to attract attention. While
the farmer and his sons attempted to drive them off, other monkeys went into
fields to feed on corn. The monkeys
also resorted to juju. They made the rain fall so that whoever was guarding the
fields would go home, thinking ‘surely the crops will be safe in such
weather.’ But the monkeys fed while
the rain fell. When the farmer discovered this he built a shelter in the fields,
and there he or one of his sons stood guard even when water poured from the sky.
In this contest many monkeys were killed, yet those that survived persisted. The
farmer had several wives. After one of them became pregnant, an adahunse, or seer, of the town of Isokun
came to the farmer to warn him. He said, ‘There is danger and misfortune ahead
because of your continual killing of the monkeys. They are wise in many things.
They have great powers. They can cause an abiku (born to die-after birth) child to
enter your wife’s womb. He will be born, stay a while, and then die. He will be
born again and die again. Each time your wife becomes pregnant he will be there
in her womb, and each time he is born he will stay a while and then depart. This
way you will be tormented to the end.
The monkeys are capable of sending you an abiku. Therefore do not drive them away
anymore. Cease hunting them in the bush. Let them come and
feed.’
The farmer listened, but he was not persuaded by what the adahunse had
told him. He went on guarding his fields and hunting monkeys in the bush. The
monkeys discussed ways of retaliating for their sufferings. They decided that
they would send two abikus to the farmer. Two monkeys transformed themselves
into abikus and entered the womb of the farmer’s pregnant wife. There they
waited until the proper time. They emerged, first one then the other. They were
the original twins to come among the Yorubas. They attracted much
attention. Some people said, ‘what
good fortune.’ Others said, ‘It is a bad omen. Only monkeys give birth to twins.’
As the twins were abikus they did not remain long among the living. They
died and returned to reside among those not yet born. Time passed. Again the
woman became pregnant. Again two children were born instead of one. They lived
on briefly and again they departed. This is the way it went on. Each time the
woman bore children they were ibeji, that is to say, twins. And they were also abikus who lived on a
while and died.
The farmer became desperate over his succession of misfortunes. He went
to consult a diviner at a distant place to discover the reason for his
children’s constantly dying. The diviner cast his palm nuts and read them. He
said, ‘Your troubles come from the monkeys whom you have been harassing in your
fields and in the bush. It is they who sent twin abikus into your wife’s womb in
retaliation for their suffering. Bring your killing of the monkeys to an end.
Let them eat in your fields.
Perhaps they will relent.’ The farmer returned to Isokun. He no longer drove the monkeys from his
fields, but allowed them to come and go as they pleased. He no longer hunted
them in the bush. In time his wife again gave birth to twins. They did not die. They lived on. But
still the farmer did not know for certain whether things had changed, and he
went again to the diviner for knowledge.
The diviner cast his palm nuts and extracted their meaning. He said, ‘This time the twins are not
abikus. The monkeys have relented.
The children will not die and return, die and return. But twins are not
ordinary people. They have great power to reward or punish other humans. Their
protector is the orisa Ibeji. If a person abuses or neglects a twin,
the orisa Ibeji will strike such a person with disease or poverty. He who treats the twins well will be
rewarded with good fortune.’ The twins are pleased with life, good luck and
prosperity will come to their parents.
Therefore, do everything to make them happy in this world. Whatever they want, give it to
them. Whatever they say to do, do
it. Make sacrifices to the orisa Ibeji. Because twins were sent into the world
by the monkeys, monkeys are sacred to them. Neither twins nor their families may
eat the flesh of monkeys. This is
what the palm nuts tell us.’ When the farmer returned to Isokun after consulting the diviner he
told his wife what he had learned. Whatever the twins asked for, the parents
gave it. If they said they wanted sweets they were given sweets. If they said to
their mother, ‘Go to the marketplace and beg alms for us,’ the mother carried
them to the marketplace and begged alms.
If they said, ‘dance with us,’ she carried them in her arms and danced.
They all lived on. The farmer’s other wives also gave birth to twins. Prosperity
came to the farmer of Isokun and his family. He was fortunate in every
way.”
(Courlander, 1973:
pp.137-141)
Due to their
origin, twins are often referred to as edun meaning “monkey.” The first born of a set of twins is
considered the younger one. This
one is named Taiwo meaning “come to taste life.” The second born is the older of the two
and receives the nameKehinde meaning “come last.” It is said that Kehinde always sends Taiwo ahead to find out if life is worth
living. Twins also influence the
children born after them. The first child born after twins is given the name Idowu, whether it is male or female
(Johnson, 1921). This child is considered heady and stubborn. Superstition says that a mother who has
twins and fails to have an Idowu may likely go mad (Johnson, 1921). It is
believed that the wild and stubborn Idowu
flying into her head will drive
her insane. The child born after Idowu
is named Idogbe if male and Alaba if female (Johnson,
1921).
There is probably some evidence that twins have not been treated
favorably everywhere in Yorubaland and
In Ijebuland twins are regarded as a special gift of the gods and the
personification of the orisa, Ibeji
(Oladele, 1980). Every fifth or
sixth day offerings of beans, bean cakes, corn pudding, and sugar-cane are made
to them (Oladele, 1980). Small, wooden statues ofIbeji are made for twins. If one twin dies the
Ibeji figure is treated exactly the same
as the surviving twin. This statue is given food, clothing, beads, bracelets,
and even laid upon the mother to be breastfed (Bascom,
1969).
It is a common belief throughout Yorubaland that twins are difficult
children who demand constant attention and have eccentric taste (Oladele ,1980).
A ceremony is held when twins are born which is considered an initiation into
their lives. This ceremony is devised so that they may have an “easy and
prosperous passage through the world” (Oladele, 1980:103). This ceremony is
lively with many songs and dances praising the twins. One important song in the
initiation is the praise-song of twins. This song is used throughout the
lifetime of twins and any mother of twins knows it by heart (Oladele,
1980).
The two children who follow twins are also regarded as priviledged and
therefore have praise-songs as well. These songs used in the initiation ceremony
are also used for ritual and social purposes. They celebrate the importance of twins
and the hope for prosperity connected with them. Aside from the names assigned
to twins there are several other things associated with them. Beans and palm-oil are considered to be
the staple food of twins (Oladele, 1980). They are also associated to monkeys,
dating back to the story of the monkeys and the farmer. It is often believed
that twins are the transformation of these creatures that displace the fetus of
children (Dennett, 1968). For this reason it is considered taboo for twins or
the parents of twins to kill or eat any type of monkey.
The history of twins in
The
Historical Economic Structure of Yorubaland Adeleke
Introduction
The
focus of this paper is the economic development of the Yorubaland. The paper
begins with a discussion of the agricultural development as well as the
agricultural state of Yorubaland. This includes such topics as the shift from
small Yoruba farms to cash crop production. Likewise, with the growth of crash
crops, questions of land tenure had to be addressed, in relation to economic
growth. Such topics discussed are the distinctions between rights of membership
to land, family rights, and kingdom rights. Then, the focus of the paper
switches to another sector of economic growth of the Yorubas, namely trade and
marketing, showing the importance of women in such sectors. Lastly, the paper
concludes with a discussion of present-day craft production, with a focus on how
traditional family craft vocations have left their markers on present-day
economic production.
Economic
Structure in Yorubaland
In
Yorubaland, the major forms of economic opportunities developed as a result of
the interaction of a number of major factors: the distribution of population and
natural resources, the location of cash crops, the development of the transport
system, the growth of education, and the economic policy of successive
governments. However, among the plethora of factors, the growth of the cash-crop
economy superseded all. In the19th century, the growth of the trade in palm oil
led to a “reorganization of production in the interior and the development of
slave estates owned by the powerful war-chiefs” (Eades, pg. 65). In addition,
such a reorganization meant the development of a Saro trading elite in
The
growth in industry brought new patterns of migration. The farmers in Ile Ife who
had adopted cocoa before 1939 were joined in the following decade by Egba and
Agriculture
The
majority of Yoruba farms are small, and the size is limited by the available
labor and the level of technology. The main farm tools are the hoe and the
cutlass or bushknife, and “manpower is usually the only energy input” (Eades pg.
69). Mechanization is difficult because of the small size of plots and the
pattern of shifting cultivation” (Eades, pg. 69). The use of fertilizers is
restricted to the cultivation of cash-crops like cocoa and tobacco. Farm land
fertility was traditionally maintained by a long period of “fallow after only
two or three years’ cultivation, though in many areas this has been modified
because of increasing pressure on land” (Eades, pg. 69).
In Yoruba
culture, the method of reckoning farm size is not in terms of area, but rather,
in terms of “heaps,” the mounds of earth prepared for the cultivation of yams
and other food crops. The number of heaps is often reckoned in multiples of 200,
or about 1/15th or 1/20th of an acre. In Ibarapa, most farms consist of 10-20
plots, usually adjacent or in 3-4 separate groups. A plot of 8-10 units of 200
heaps is considered large. Labor units per plot is typically small. Most adult
men farm independently with help from their wives and children, though it is not
uncommon for them to hire laborers when necessary. It used to be common,
particularly in Ekiti, for there to exist patrilineal group farming, in which
all the men in a lineage worked together under the direction of the oldest
man. However, such an arrangement
has all but vanished. In addition, there used to be farm arrangements called “aro” and “owe.”
“Aro”
consisted of “groups of kin or age-group members who helped each other on a
rotational basis, especially to clear new land in the dry season or to help with
weeding during the rains” (Eades, pg. 70). “Owe” groups were larger, involving a
hundred or more “agnates and affines, who worked in return for food, palm wine,
and kola” (Eades, pg. 70). With the recent growth in education, it has become
difficult for farms to retain the labor of their children on the farm, forcing
farmers to rely more on hired labor. It was estimated that in 1956, 40 percent
or more of the labor on cocoa farms were hired.
However, today, a large numbers of laborers come from other parts of the
country, particularly from the Niger-Benue area and Igbo areas. Hired laborers
work either on an annual basis, in return for food, lodgings, and a lump sum at
the end of the season, or on a monthly or daily rates, or on a piece-work basis.
The majority of farmers who require regular help prefer to hire workers on an
annual basis, since the rate of hire is much lower. In the savannah regions,
however, hired labor has become less important, though “some of the wealthier
Igbeti farmers did use hired labor to expand their food-crop production for the
market” (Eades, pg. 70).
The
major food crops of the Yoruba farmer are yams, maize, cassava, beans, cocoyam,
and guineacorn. Rice cultivation, however, has been spreading to areas such as
Egba, while plantain and bananas are important in the forest areas. Yams are the
major crop in
Cash
Crops
As
previously stated, several of the lands that were traditionally used for the
major food crops of the Yoruba people have been replaced by cash crops. As Eades
states: “In one sense the distinction between food crops and cash crops is
irrelevant in the Yoruba case, as most of the farmers dispose of at least some
of their crops on the market. In Igbeti, where land is plentiful, those who
could afford it were expanding their yam production for the market using hired
labor. In some northern areas, tobacco production for the cigarette companies
has spread rapidly in the last twenty years, mainly because of the very
successful extension work by the Nigerian Tobacco Company.” Cotton is grown in many areas, mainly
for local use, but the two major cash crops, cocoa and kolanut, are only
produced in the forest areas. (Eades, pg. 72).
The
cash crop kolanut (Obì), grown
entirely for the Nigerian market, is bought by Hausa buyers, located in Yoruba
towns and villages, for sale in the northern states of the country (Cohen, pg.
122). There are two varieties of kola grown in Yorubaland, “nitida” known in
Yoruba as “abata,” and “acuminata,”
known by the Yoruba as “gbanja.” Abata is indigenous to the area, but
gbanja is the main variety that is exported. Before the colonial period, most of
the gbanja kola sold in northern Nigerian came from southern
In
addition to kola,
Lastly, the third major cash crop of Yorubaland is cocoa. The cocoa
industry first developed in the western areas: Ilaro, Agege, and
Land tenure
in Yorubaland
The
question of land tenure in Yorubaland is of great complexity and often quite
ambiguous. Before the question of land tenure can be addressed, one must first
make the distinction between the right to use land and full ownership,
“particularly the right to alienate it” (Eades, pg. 73) Throughout Yorubaland, the two may not
necessarily coincide. Second of all, as land becomes more valuable, “either
because of its increasing valua due to scarcity or its potential for cash crops,
conflict over access to, and control of, land will increase, and an increasing
quantum of rights will be asserted over it” (Eades, pg. 73).
Lloyd
remarks of Ondo land tenure, “while land has little scarcity or commercial
value, it will be described as communal: but as soon as it becomes valuable, the
descent groups currently using it will begin to claim rights amounting to full
ownership” (Llyod, pg.131). In different areas of Yorubaland, ownership of land
is thought of as being “vested in the ruler on behalf his community, as being
vested in descent groups, or as being vested in individuals” (Eades, pg. 73).
Third of all, a sharp distinction
has to be made between the rights that a member of a kingdom can have on its
land and the rights which can be acquired by an outsider. In general, outsiders
can become tenants, but cannot claim rights of ownership over land, and as the
scarcity of land increases, the more rigidly this rule
applies.
As
Eades notes, descent group control over land is the norm. This is the pattern one finds in
The
major alternative to obtaining land from one’s own descent group in many areas
is to “beg” it (toro) from another group, often in return for gifts (isaigi) and
annual payment of “isakole.”
Likewise, one can access land through sharecropping. This method has become
increasingly common as owners of cocoa farms are unable or unwilling to manage
the farms themselves. The owner often provides the seed, chemicals, and
accommodations, and that proceeds of the crop are split between the sharecropper
and the owner. IN some areas, “farm-owners are commuting a third of the crop
into a cash payment in advance - a system which assures them of regular income,
reduces their responsibilities and provides the sharecropper with greater
incentive to raise productivity” (Berry, pg. 131).
Lastly, in a final note
on Yoruba land-tenure practices, such land-tenure patterns have increasing
political implications. First of all, such practices encourage the attachment of
individuals to their home towns. Secondly, they make it difficult for strangers
or outsiders to become easily assimilated in the areas in which they have
settled. As Eades notes, “Yoruba migrants and their descendants in the cocoa
belt tend to remain ‘strangers’ (àlejò) if they come from another
kingdom, even when they speak the same dialect of Yoruba” (Eades, pg. 76). For example, the Modakeke in Ile Ife are
still considered “alejo” despite the fact that they have been there for a
century or more. (
Trade and
Marketing
The
Yoruba have the known reputation for their skill in trade, both throughout
As
well as daily markets, there were the periodic markets which served wider areas.
Trade was an important issue in international relations. “Some towns were
termini on the long-distance trade routes that linked the Yoruba kingdoms with
the Akan to the west, and the Bariba, Hausa, and Nupe to the north” (Eades, pg.
80). Trade on these routes was well-organized, roads often being wide and
well-maintained, and caravanseries were established outside the main towns.
“Trade and tolls provided a major source of revenue for the political
authorities along the route” (Mabogunje, 1968: pg. 79-90).
Some
features of the traditional marketing system have survived to the present.
“Daily markets in the towns and periodic markets in the ruraL areas are still
the basis of the distributive system” (Hodder, 1969: pg. 121). The pattern of long-distance
trade in the 19th century “has given way to a Yoruba diaspora in the 20th” (Eades, pg. 81). Yoruba traders have
settled in large numbers throughout
There
are also some specialized urban periodic markets like Oje in
Marketing of this type is very labor-intensive. The goods involved are of
two main types: manufactured goods moving outwards from the major urban centers,
and farm produce moving in the other direction. Manufactured goods mostly
originate from the large expatriate and Lebanese firms in
Craft
Production
Many
Yoruba occupations were traditionally organized within particular compounds or
descent groups, including weaving, smithing, woodcarving, leatherwork, drumming
and medicine. Many of these specializations persist. In Igbeti, the best
drummers in the town still come from Ile Onilu or Ayan, and facial scars are
still made by members of Ile Olola. These occupations are mainly confined to
men, but others, such as pottery, indigo-dyeing, and weaving on the uptight
loom, are carried on only by women. Some of the crafts have survived better than
others. There are still Yoruba carvers who produce work of exceptional quality
in response to modern commissions (Carroll, 1967), but the craft has declined
along with the traditional religion for which most carvings are made. Some
palace crafts like leatherwork or calabash-carving in Oyo have been reorganized
around tourism. Pottery has survived competition from imported enamel ware and
locally cast aluminium, and is still made in large quantities in Ilorin.
However, the craft which has perhaps adapted best to the changing conditions is
weaving (Bray, 1968).
As
with farming and trading, many children help their parents in the crafts and
have mastered the skills by the age of 16. Parents were traditionally expected
to set up their children in the occupation and provide them with the necessary
tools. Until later in the child's adulthood (by marriage), the parents could
keep the profits from their children’s work, but the child could keep the income
from work done in his spare time on his own account. The head of the craft in a
town was normally the “Baale” of one of the compounds involved in it. Members of
the main crafts held regular meetings to discuss prices, sort out disputes and
share information on techniques and markets. Taxes were paid to the political
authorities in craft goods. (Eades, pg. 85).
Present day, the categories of craftsmen and traders shade off into those
of transport-owner, small-scale industrialist, and building contractor. Among
the most popular enterprises are saw-milling, baking, and printing. Nearly all
towns have at least one printer, printing such things as visitor cards and the
such. A town the size of Igbeti can support three small bakeries, each with
three employees, and each producing about 200 loaves a day. Lastly, there is a
small group of very wealthy Yoruba industrialists, though in general the
Nigerian industrial scene is dominated by government and expatriate
capital.
Yoruba
Traditional Medicine
Kehinde
Traditional Yoruba medicine and healing practices are not as easily
defined as “Medicine” is in the West, thus some introductory information must
first be presented about the Yoruba people and their
beliefs.
Yoruba
History
The Yoruba people occupy the
Southwestern area of Nigeria in what is known as Yorubaland; they live in the
western area South and West of the River Niger. It is commonly believed that
the Yorubas settled in this area
after migrating from the northeast around the second millennium prior to the
Christian Era. There are variations on the origin of the Yoruba people, but it is generally
agreed, and even supported by evidence that they are descended from Oduduwa, a deified ancestor. Some
evidence suggests that he came from Mecca, while folklore suggests that he
descended from heaven. Either way,
he landed in Ile-Ife.
Traditional
Religion
In addition to the belief in God, the central elements of traditional
Yoruba religious beliefs are orisa
(from the words “ori”, meaning ‘the
very Source of Being” and “se” is a
verb meaning “to originate”; thus the Source-Being which gives origin to all
Beings” (Oloyoye, pg.13). This belief existed prior to Christian or Muslim
influence in Yorubaland and it is still prevalent among traditionalists.
Examples of orisas include Orunmila, Ogun, Obatala, Sango, Osun,
and Sanponna. In some cases such as
Sango, the orisa are deified
ancestors. Each orisa has its own cult and is worshipped
by other individuals for many reasons.
Each family lineage has associated orisa. It is claimed that there are as many as
401 different orisas.
These orisa are prayed to, offered sacrifices and are supplicated,
especially in times of distress, illness or misfortune, however all these things
are done so as to appease and please the orisa and so prevent such calamity. Most
Christians or Muslims who claim not to worship orisa, when in times of need, may still
petition orisa in reference to their particular problems. Traditional believers firmly hold orisas as part of the Yoruba way of life. Many Christian and Muslim Yorubas still revere orisa and traditional religion and if
they do not actively participate in worship, they still respect the power of the
deities and make efforts not to displease them.
A few orisa and their precedence as excerpted from
Simpson’s work:
Obatala-
represents the idea of ritual and ethical purity
Orunmila- the oracle
god
Sango-
god of thunder and lightning
Osun-
goddess of fertility and water
Ogun-
god of war, the hunt, and all pursuits in which iron or steel is
used
Ifa-
god of divination
Sanponna- god of
smallpox
Ibeji-
god of twins
Egugun-
symbolizes all dead ancestors
Other
Beliefs
The Yorubas also believe in
witches and witchcraft. Unlike orisa,
witches are human, but it is said they transform into another form, such as a
red-beaked bird, when they are performing their witchcraft. It is generally
believed that most witches are women and that witchcraft may be passed on from
one person to another. Witches are not necessarily evil, and
they may be summoned to good effect.
A variety of ailments and problems are attributed to the work of witches
including death, illness, or loss of a job. Witches can be supplicated by people
to avenge or inflict wrongdoers or personal enemies, but it seems they have no
specific loyalty and may be bought or appeased through sacrifices or money
offerings. It is believed that witches can hear when someone is talking about
them.
Traditional
Medicine
Yoruba traditional
medicine is not based around the western concept of germ theory, rather ailments
can be caused by human forces and supernatural forces, although sometimes the
two forces seem to overlap or interact. Similarly, there are two classes of
illnesses: external and internal. External illnesses could include obvious
problems such as rashes, bruises, broken bones or cuts. Internal troubles could
include afflictions like cancer, hernia, or a difficult pregnancy- in general
mostly chronic persistent ailments or diseases.
External problems are often attributed to human force(s), while internal
problems are attributed to supernatural forces, although this is not always the
case exclusively. For example, a builder, though skilled with his tools, may
crush his hand or cut his finger. Obviously it is a human source that actually
did the damage, however, why should such an accident occur, especially to an
experienced builder? In cases such as this, it is believed that supernatural
forces that are at work actually caused the accident, making the builder maim
himself. Most Yorubas, (irrespective
of education level or religious faith) are wary of “accidents,” and most of the
people are superstitious to varying degrees.
Traditional
Healers
There are two types of traditional healers: onisegun and babalawo. Generally, onisegun, an herbalist, is consulted for less complex, external
afflictions, while the babalawo may
petition the supernatural forces, in addition to prescribing herbal concoctions
and suggesting other actions to appease the disturbed spirits. Anyone who
believes they are afflicted by witches, or are being punished by the orisas may consult a babalawo. This “doctor” may serve as intermediary
either in summoning the supernatural forces in question or to discover what they
demand and who is prompting their harmful demands. Appropriate action may then
be taken by the afflicted, upon guidance of the babalawo, including wearing charms, or
making sacrifices. The babalawo uses a system of divination called
Ifa.
Ifa is the practice of
divination where the orisa, Ifa
Orunmila, is consulted before any action is taken. The actual divining is
done with the help of sixteen palm nuts from the Awpe-Ifa tree (Ope Ifa)... Every one of
these palm nuts represents sixteen subordinate powers called Odu... All are associated with parables
or traditional stories with which the babalawo is supposed to be acquainted
(Talbot, vol. ii, p.186). There is a total of 256 Odu altogether. Simpson (73) further
explains:
In learning odu Ifa, one
starts with opele, a divination chain
to which eight half nuts are fastened.
When the opele is thrown to
the ground, one can tell which odu is
indicated by the combination of nut segments that fall “up” (inner side up) and
which fall “down” (inner side down).
The diviner then quotes from the passages in the odu which... are appropriate to the
occasion or to the question that has been asked and gives his interpretation of
this odu... An alternate divination technique
involves the use of sixteen palm-nuts. The diviner places the nuts in the palm
of his left hand and grabs at them with his right hand. If he gets all of them
with his right hand, no marks are made in the termite sawdust on the divination
board. If he gets all but one, two marks are made. If he gets all but two, one
mark is made. Then he places the nuts in his right hand and repeats the
procedure with his left hand.
(Simpson, p.73)
The first procedure, opele,
may be performed daily for less important matters, but the second, complex
procedure may only be performed every fifth day. Babalawo, meaning “father of the secret”
from “baba o ni awo” must then
interpret and prescribe medicines, charms or actions or a combination thereof in
order to improve the afflicted client’s health or situation. After the cause is determined and remedy
is decided, the babalawo must gather
the roots, nuts, fruit, leaves, bark, animals or animal parts and necessary
herbs in order create the charms, medicine or ointments. Sometimes an apprentice
will aid in the collection of ingredients, gathering them from the forest and
perhaps sometime buying some components at the market. These formulae have been
committed to memory, and recipes differ from place to place for any given
ailment.
Often incantations, drumming, dancing, singing or sacrifices accompany
the creation of the medicine as it is believed that some substances will not be
potent otherwise. The babalawo
entices or calls on the spirits believed to inhabit everything living (or once
living); these spirits are what make the medicine potent. The babalawo most likely developed after the
onisegun, another type of healer,
when non-magical methods failed. The babalawo is very important and he
sometimes hold more power than does a chief.
Another healer is the Onisegun. He is also a traditional healer, but he
does not deal deeply with the spiritual realm as the babalawo does. The onisegun is an herbalist who is very
knowledgeable about medicinal herbs, plants and other substances. Generally onisegun determines the ailment from the
patient’s previous medical history and symptoms rather than using divination.
Often the herbalist will belong to an Herbalist’s association, complete with a
certificate, usually indicating some degree of knowledge and competency, but it
does not necessarily indicate any standard level of education or
proficiency.
Traditional Yoruba healing
practices, are, like so many other aspects of Yoruba culture, deeply entwined with
traditional Yoruba religion. It is
rather impossible to completely separate spiritual belief from traditional
healing practices, as it is commonly held that witches, orisa and other supernatural entities
may be the cause of an ailment. Because of the influence of western medicine and
the introduction of hospitals, patent drugs, hypodermic injections and “germ
theory”- where germs are the cause of illness rather than spirits, etc.-
traditional healing practices are slowly losing their prominence in Yoruba society, especially among the young
people. Still, whenever someone
falls seriously ill, the onisegun and
the babalawo are called upon. Slowly,
traditional practices are being included in the new western medicinal ideas in
Yorubaland, and the outcome is a hybrid type of healing
practice.
Yoruba
Religion
Titilayo
In Yoruba society, religion is equally important as politics and kinship.
Religion is a part of Yoruba daily life. Yoruba religion is monotheistic,
meaning that a single God (Olodunmare) rules over the universe, with several
hundred lower deities, Orishas, who
are personified aspects of nature gods and ancestral spirits. Even though there
are over a thousand, there are at least four hundread and one recognized Orisas
in the Yoruba pantheon. Some of the most important Orisas are: Ogun, the god of iron and war; Sango, the god of thunder; Obatala, the god of arch divinity of
Yorubaland; Elegba, the god of
crossroads; Yemoja, the goddess of
the oceans and otherhood; Oya, the
goddess of the winds, the whirlwinds, and the gates of the cemetery; and Osun,
the goddess of love and fertility.
Orisas are best understood by observing the forces of nature they rule
over and the endeavors of humanity. They can be natural phenomena, such as
mountains, hills, and rivers. They can also be recognized through numbers and
colors which are their marks. The devotees to each orisa can usually relate
their past to their respective god. The deities are worshipped either annually
or at fixed times.
Olodumare, also known as Olorun, is the central force of the
Yoruba traditional religion. He is said to have established land and given life
and breath. Myths say that Olodumare asked Orisanla's brother, Oduduwa to descend from the sky to
create the first Earth at Ile-Ife. Then, sixteen other orisas came down from
heaven to accomplish the task of creating human beings to live on Earth. All the
Orishas are said to have transcended from Olodunmare.
Ogun is the god of iron and war. Blacksmiths, warriors, and all who use
metal in their profession are said to be patrons of this orisa. Ogun also presides over deals and
contracts; in fact, in Yoruba courts, devotees of the faith swear to tell the
truth by kissing a piece of iron or a machete that is sacred to Ogun. The Yoruba
consider Ogum fearsome and terrible in his revenge. A legend that illustrates
Ogun's importance tells of the orisas trying to carve a road through a deep
jungle. Ogun was the only one with proper implements for the task and won the
right to be king of the orisa. He did not want the position though, and it went
to Obatala. Ogun is identified by the colors green and black.
Sango, the god of thunder, rules over lightning, thunder, fire, drums,
and dance. Sango's storms and lightning being a purifying moral terror with
bodlness. He is a hot blooded and strong-willed orisa with a quick temper and
wit. His colors are red and white, which resembles his virility. One myth about
Sango tells of when he ruled as the fourth king of the ancient Yoruba. He had a
charm that could cause lightning, with which he inadvertently killed his entire
family. To be forgiven for his sins, he hanged himself, and became deified. He
tried to exceed his own limits and thereby destroyed what he cherished most.
Sango's devotees regard him as the embodiment of great creative potential. His
dedication to power over life is evident in his shrines.
Obatala is the god of arch divinity of Yorubaland. Known as the "King of
the White Cloth", Obatala represents the spiritual unity and interrelationship
of all things. He is known to be the creator of the world and humanities.
Obatala is the source of purity, wisdom, peacefulness, and compassion.
Everything on Earth that is pure belongs to him. As the sculpture-god, Obatala
has the responsibility to evolve human bodies. He is responsible for the normal
and abnormal characteristics. Therefore, the Yorubas say that human deformities
are often a result of his errors. A pregnant woman who speaks negatively of
Obatala is likely to have a defective child. These children are called Eni Orisa, or the children of Obatala.
His followers appeal to him for children, the avenging of wrongdoing, and the
cure of deformities.
Elegba (Eleggua) is the god of crossroads, meaning he is the owner of
opportunity and the roads and doors into the world. He is a child-like messenger between the
orisas and human beings. Without his approval, nothing could be done. He is
always honored first before any other orisa because he opens the doors between
the worlds and opens the door for life.
He is said to be the force in nature who brings magic into reality.
Devotees give offerings and honor to him on mondays and on the third day of
every month. With his child-like behavior he is known as a trickster, yet his
tricks are simply opportunities to learn lessons. His colors are red, white, and
black which exemplify his contradicting nature.
Yemoja (Yemalla) is the goddess of the sea, moon, and motherhood. Her name, a shortened version of Yeye
Omo Eja means "Mother Whose Children are the Fish" reflects the fact that her
children are unaccountable. She is said to be the mother of many Orisha,
generous, and giving. All life started in the sea, the amniotic fluid inside the
mother's womb, is a form of sea where the embryo must transform and evolve
through the form of a fish before becoming a human baby. She represents the
mother who gives love, but does not give her power away. Yemalla also owns the
collective, subconsciousness. Her worship is indeed ancient and annual or at
fixed times.
Sopona (Shokpona), the god of smallpox, apparently became an important
god in the smallpox plagues that were transmitted by various inter-tribal wars;
the Yoruba also blamed Sopona's wrath for high temperatures, carbuncles, boils,
and other diseases that resemble small-pox symptoms. Sopona once terrified some
Yoruba so greatly that they feared to say his name;they used instead such names
as Elegbana ("hot earth") and A-soro-pe-leerun ("one whose name it is not
propitious to call during the dry season"). Priests of Sopona wielded immense
power; it was believed that they could bring the plague down on their enemies,
and in fact the priests sometimes made a potion from the powdered scabs and dry
skin of those who died from small-pox. They would pour the potion in an enemy's
house or a neighboring village to spread the disease. Today, however, smallpox
has been all but eradicated; the priests of Sopona have lost power and the cult
has all but vanished.
Yoruba
Traditional Religion
Oluwole
Introduction
To examine the Yoruba religion, one must look at the entire area of
Yoruba cultural existence. Yorubas are located basically in the southwestern
part of Nigeria and in some parts of Benin and Togo. The history of the Yoruba
religion seems to be somewhat of a controversial subject in most sources that
deal with this topic. There was really no mention of when the religion started
or much about the origin of the people because the beginning of their existence
was always noted as being in Ife, the center where the Yoruba people descended
from heaven.
As far as dealing with the actual origin of the religion itself, it is
only referred to as a surviving religion of a "higher" religion. That religion
is said to be from the Ancient Egyptian–Religion otherwise known as Khamet or
Kemet. Being that the language of the Yorubas is so strongly tied to the culture
there are many comparisons analyzed as to why there is a belief that Yoruba
religion has been derived from Ancient Egyptian religion. For example, in Lucas'
"The Religion of the Yorubas" word comparisons are made. Such a
comparison is made with the Ancient Egyptian God Amon: "The God Amon is one of
the Gods formerly known to the Yorubas". The Yoruba words mon, mimon, "holy or sacred," are
probably derived from the name of the God" (p.21).
Many of the sources which I encountered did not attempt to even approach
the topic of the origin of the Yorubas Orisa (Orisha). The Orisa is one of the
key spiritual elements of traditional Yoruba religion. It is an example of the
many deep rooted meanings of the religion of the Yorubas. The Orisa, according
to Baba Ifa Karade's "The Handbook of Yoruba Religious Concepts," are a
series of Gods or divinities under the Yoruba's main–God, Olorun or Oludumare.
Karade also argues that there are many striking similarities between the ancient
Egyptians and the Yorubas. The Orisha are "... an expression of the principles
and functions of divine power manifesting on nature"(p.23).
The actual word "Orisha" has a deep meaning itself. For example, the word ori is the "reflective spark of human
consciousness embedded on human essense, and sha which is the ultimate potentiality
of that consciousness." This gives a strong example of how strong language is
tied to religion. This Ori is the
aspect of the human that is in a sense in control of their spiritual actions.
The ori is divided into two which can
be known as the ori apari and the ori apere. The ori apari represents the internal
spiritual head and the ori apere represents the sign of an individuals personal
protector. The common Orisa which seem to come up time after time are these
major ones: Obatala, Elegba, Ogun, Yemoja, Oshun (Osun), Shango (Sango), and
Oya.
Each of these gods has a specific purpose when dealing with the human
spirit. Each of the orisas has a specific color and natural environment
associated with them. Obatala represents the embodiment of true purity of one's
soul. Obatala is also said to represent ethical purity. Such purity is
represented by pure whiteness. There is great measure taken to carry out the
importance of this pure whiteness because the temples which worship the divinity
Obatala have the color of white in all the instruments of worship. For example,
the clothing of those involved with the worship in the temples are white. In
addition, all the emblems are kept in white containers and the ornaments are
white as are the beads for the priests and priestesses. Obatala is said to be the father of the
Orisha and the divinity in charge of the carving of humans out of clay into the
form they are today. He is worshiped or appeased by his followers when they want
children, revenge for wrong doings, cures for sickness and so on.
Yemoja is the divinity that governs over all the waters or oceans. Yemoja is said to be the mother of all
the Orisha. She is the water or ambiotic fluid in the mother's womb and the
breasts which nurture a new born child.
She is the Matriarchal head of the entire universe. Her natural environment are the salt
water–oceans and the lakes and the colors associated with her are blue and
crystal. There is much confusion concerning the subject matter as to who is the
chief female divinity because the different sources represent different view
points on this subject matter and this was really unclear.
Sango or Shango to non Yoruba speakers is said to be a human that was
made into a deity. He was said to be the ruler of old Oyo that was hung (legend
has it that he committed suicide by hanging himself to a tree after his failure
to amass all the political powr to himself) because of his greed for power.
Sango is the god of lightning in addition to being the Orisha of drum and dance.
He is also known to change things into pure and valuabe objects. His followers
come to him for legal problems, making bad situations better, and protection
from enemies. His natural
environment happens to be any place that has been struck by lightning, and the
base of trees. It is said that no god is more feared for malevolent action than
sango.
Ogun is said to be the god of iron and basically everything that becomes
iron. He is known for building or clearing paths for the building of
civilizations and is the divinity of mechanization. Ogun is considered to be the
holder of divine justice and truth. He is also said to be the executioner of the
world. Natural environment are in the woods, railroads, and
forges.
Oya is the divinity that is associated with the death or the rebirth into
a new life. She is considered to be
the wife of Sango. Oya is also known as the god of storms and hurricanes and has
power over the winds. She is also the deity that is in charge of guarding the
cemetary. Osun (Oshun) is the deity of diplomacy and all giving or unconditional
love. She is a river deity because she symbolizes clarity. She is the divinity
of fertility and feminine essence. Oshun is said to represent the strenght of
feminine love and the power of motherhood. It is she who is appeased when it
comes time for a mother to give birth.
Elegba is the messenger of the deities and his major role is to negotiate
between the other orishas and the humans and is very close to all the forces of
the deities. He is in charge of giving from the humans to the divinities. Elegba
is the one who tests the human souls. Even when worhsipping other divinities, he
is also worshipped because of his important role in the Yoruba religion. Elegba
can both punish and reward and is known for having great wisdom. He is also the
divinity who takes the body upon death and the divinity that saves. Although he
does not match the role exactly, he is what the western world would call the
devil. Elegba is not evil.
It is
particularly important to discuss the dieties because they represent such an
important aspect of Yoruba traditional religion. The Yorubas have a deep and
symbolic meaning attached to each of the divinities which is exhibited through
prayer and worhsip. These divinities give the reader some idea of the powerful
belief system of the Yorubas. Many scholars or anyone not familiar with the
Yoruba system of worship which is based in the belief in more than one god, may
see this religion as "superstitious" or "pagan".
The Yorubas have many festivals to give honor and praise to the many
divinities within the Orisa system of belief. The Yoruba festivals are extremely
elaborate and have much deep rooted meaning in practice related to them. Certain
Yoruba towns have certain orisas which are honored. This is extremely important
because it shows the diversity of Yoruba culture and futhermore the facets of
traditional Yoruba religion. It would be tedious and quite boring to examine and
give an account of every single festival and the villages in which they take
place because the Yoruba religion covers so many (actually all) towns in
Yorubaland. The discussion could go on forever. However, I will give one account
of this widely practiced aspect of Yoruba religion.
Among the
people of Osogbo, the Orisa Osun is the center of the town’s attention even
though it is worshipped by the people in all areas of Yorubaland. The reason for
this vast diversity may be due to the fact that there are major differences in
the landscape of each of the villages where the Yorubas settled. Each orisa has
a natural environment and a different emphasis may be put on a different orisa.
For example, the reason why the people of Osogbo worship osun may be because
their town was founded near a river and osun's natural environment is in fresh
rivers and lakes. The historical legend or belief behind the worship of osun is
that the people of Osogbo found it hard to find any fresh drinking water for the
village. It was the divinity osun who gave the people of Osogbo fresh water.
Osun has also been credited to give infertile women
children.
In Yoruba traditional religion, life is circular. What is meant by this
that in the Yoruba religion, there is no such thing as death. Death is seen as a
transition from the physical plain to the spiriitual plain. The life cycle of
the Yorubas is very complex. Before
an individual is born into the world, they choose a destiny with God (Olodumare)
in heaven. The goal is to fulfil the destiny. There is one exception, once a
child is born he or she forgets the destiny he or she has chosen. The purpose of
this is for the individual to learn and gain wisdom for life in the spiritual
plain. The Yoruba traditional religion believes in predestination. It is also
important to point out that there is no hell in traditional Yoruba religion. The
Yoruba believe that all of one's wrong doings will be paid for and all good
deads will be rewarded. Under the orisa
system, the early cycle of life is called "morning". Morning of one's life spans from the
time of birth to the age of fifty. It is in this time period that the individual
learns and experiences life's most difficult lessons. This also is the time when
the Yorubas raise their families.
The Yorubas believe that no one is a master in any area of life until
they reach age fifty. The time period from the age of fifty until the transition
into the spirit realm is called the evening. It is in this time period that
individuals enjoy life the most. By this time most Yoruba men and women would
have raised their children and have much free time to enjoy the fruits of their
labor. The evening is a time period when the Yorubas prepare for their
transition. Long life and family are the two most important blessings in Yoruba
religion.
The Yoruba believe that there are three types of people: achievers,
people who assist achievers, and bystanders. Whichever role one chooses dictates
the type of life that the person will live. The babalawo is the most important
figure in Yoruba religion on the physical plain. His role is one of great
respect and experience. The Babalawo's training is long and indepth. It is said
in some temples of Yoruba divination that Babalawos are said to stay in their
temples for seven years before being released into the world to pracitce Orisha.
The babalawo, by his knowledge and training, is the link between the divinities
and man.
Olodumare,
Orisa, ati Ebora: Yoruba concepts of God.
Sangoleke
Time and time again, one can not escape the fact that religion is an
essential part of culture amongst African people. Throughout the African continent and the
Diaspora, traditional religious beliefs and practices have served as a unifying
force within the community. Religion permeates all aspects of the everyday life
of Africans who still cling to the traditional beliefs.[2]
The Yoruba culture and their beliefs span South-Western Nigeria as well as parts
of Benin and Togo.[3]
In the words of Dr. Awolalu, “Perhaps no other African group has had greater
influence on the culture of the
In Sierre Leone it is known by the name ‘Aku’ . Practitioners call their
religion ‘Lucimi’ in Cuba and it is
referred to as ‘Nago’ in Brazil.[5] Thus Yoruba tradition has had a place
in the New World for some time. In some parts of South America and the Caribbean
Yoruba practices have been merged with Christianity such as Santiera which
combines catholic saints with Yoruba deities.
We now have an idea of the vastness of the Yoruba religion. But, what
does the religion entail? Who is their God or gods? What do they call
Him/Her/them? How do they see Him and His powers? And, Who serve under Him? Contrary to
the belief of many, African people are not heathens nor are we “religiously
illiterate,”[6] Our concepts of the God incorporates
Him/Her as both the unseen Supreme Being and Creator and the manifestation of
the physical realm and natural phenomenon.[7]
The Yoruba believe in the existence of a Supreme Being who is responsible for
creation and sustaining both heaven and earth. By looking at the names they give
to God, one can one can gain insight into their relationship with their God.
Awolalu states:
“Among the
Yoruba names are very significant.… The Yoruba attach a great deal of importance
to names.... every name given by the Yoruba depicts a significant character or
circumstance of the birth of the bearer of the name.”
He later
adds:
“We take the
trouble of examining.… secular names in order to emphasize the fact that names
are not just given but that they are with definite intentions. When we turn
specifically to examine the manes of the Supreme Being we discover that each of
the names depicts the peoples’ concept of Him. The most prevalent name of the
Supreme Being is Olodumare, which has
the connotation of the Supreme God worthy of great reverence. The name Olorun means the owner of heaven. It is
used in conjunction with Olodumare as
Olorun Olodumare to express the
Supreme Being as the God who resides in heaven. Eledaa means the Creator. Alaaye means the Living One and suggests that the Supreme Being is
everlasting. The Yoruba say ‘A ki igbo
iku Olodumare’ (We never hear of the death of Olodumare). Elemii means the Owner of Life, “without
the Supreme Being no creature can live.”
Olojo Oni means the Owner or
Controller of this day or daily happenings. Therefore, all things that happen in
one’s life or during that day is under the control of God”.[8]
The Yoruba believe that Olodumare, the Supreme Being, has certain divine
qualities or attributes.[9]
A common characteristic of traditional African religion is a creation myth or
story.[10]
There is a story of creation that among the Yoruba is used “mainly to emphasize
the fact that Olodumare is the
creator of heaven and earth and all beings and things.”[11]
Among the attributes of the Supreme Being is His uniqueness. To the Yoruba, He
is the Only One and no others are like Him. The Yoruba say ‘A ki igbo iku Olodumare’ (‘We never
here of the death of Olodumare’) to
convey the everlasting nature of Olorun
Alaaye, the Living God. Without the Supreme Being, nothing can be done. He
is Olorun Alagbara , the powerful
God. The Yoruba believe God to be omnipotent. God, the Supreme Being, knows
all‘ A-rinu-rode Olumo okan’ (the One
who sees both the inside and outside (of a person)- the Discerner of the Heart).
The Supreme Being is the Oba
orun, King of heaven and the Oba a
dake dajo, the King who sits in silence and dispense justice. “In their
anthropomorphic conception of God, the Yoruba see Him as holding the position of
a very important king who is also an impartial Judge.”[12]
The belief in the transcendence of God is key to the Yoruba’s concept of the
Supreme Being. It is He who is above all but he is not an unapproachable God. He
is One who is easily accessible without regard to time and place because of His
omnipresence.[13]
Along with the creation of heaven and earth, Olodumare brought into existence other
divinites- Orisa, and spirits, Ebora, to help Him administer His
creation. There is no true separation between the divinities and spirit
according to Awolalu, probably because of their effect on man and the reverence
or respect the Yoruba have for these supernatural forces or Beings. The number
of divinities and spirits that span Yorubaland varies from 200 to more than
2000. The importance of each
divinity or spirit depends on the location within Yorubaland and the Diaspora.
Some are classified as either a primordial divinity or deified
ancestor.
Obatala or Orisa-nla is seen as one of the first
divinities the Supreme Being created and is connected to the creation story.
Among his notoriety is his ability to make barren women fertile and his purity.
Followers of Obatala are expected to
be of upright nature and clean. Hence the color white is significant in his
worshippers’ attire and articles at his shrines. In the creation story, Obatala got intoxicated by drinking palm
wine, hence his followers are forbidden from offering it to him or drinking it
themselves.
Orunmila is another
of the primordial divinities, who was sent to accompany Obatala to earth and
provide him with guidance. Orunmila
is believed to be specifically gifted with knowledge and wisdom, thus the name
‘Eleriipin’ one who bears witness to
fate.’ A belief among the Yoruba is that the destiny of man is held by Olodumare
before one is born. Part of Orunmila’s wisdom is knowing the likes
and dislikes of the divinities and this knowledge allows him to guide both the
divinities and man. Orunmila serves
as the divinities’ messenger to man and man’s guide to the divinities. With the
aid of Ifa, Orunmila can discern the wishes of Olodumare and what steps to take to
appease Him. Orunmila priests are
known as Babalawo (father of
mysteries). They are the highest of all Yoruba priests. Babalawo are consulted before any
important project is carried out.
Oduduwa is
considered both a primordial divinity and a deified ancestor. There is much
controversy concerning him and his place in the pantheon of Yoruba Gods. Some
contest it was him and not Obatala
that was sent to earth by Olodumare
because of Obatala’s drunken
stupor. Some claim Oduduwa as wife to
Obatala and the primary female Orisa, with Obatala the primary male Orisa. However, both Oduduwa and Obatala are associated with the
creation.
Esu is one of
the primary divinities in Yoruba beliefs. His main purpose is to run errands for
both man and the divinities and to report their deeds to Olodumare. Within the character of Esu is good and evil. Unlike the
Christian concept of the devil or the Islamic character of shaitan, Esu is not wholly evil and he is not
scorned but recognized as having a place in the world.
Ogun is
considered as both a primordial divinity and a deified ancestor. As legend tells
us, it was Ogun who cleared the
thicket for Olodumare after the other
divinities could not. Therefore, the association with Ogun as the one associated with clearing
obstacles exists in Yoruba belief. By appeasing Ogun, these obstacles can be overcome.
One tradition holds that Ogun was a
powerful warrior, the son of Oduduwa,
who helped him defeat his enemies. Hence, the association between Ogun and warriors exists. It is still a
practice for Yorubas to swear upon Ogun (represented as a piece of iron).
If your testimony is false or you break your word, Ogun’s judgment shall be severe. In this
manner Ogun symbolizes or deifies absolute justice.
Some other symbols for Ogun are the
machete or guns.
In ancient Yoruba society, if a man or woman made contributions to life
and culture they were deified, Instead of them dying, Yoruba heroes and heroines
won data or won diirin turn into stone or iron. So they are not
forgotten and their exploits give them supernatural power or influence. An
important person in the history of the Yoruba is the man who served as the
fourth Alaafin of Oyo, Sango.[14]
Sango is not just an important figure
to the Yoruba of the African continent, but he seems to play a role in the
customs of Diaspora Yoruba belief in the New World.[15]
Within Yoruba beliefs, Sango
is the deity associated with thunder and lightning. As a ruler Sango was tyrannical and often misused
his power and his knowledge of magic. Eventually, his arrogance was his undoing
when he summoned up lightning that ultimately destroyed his wives and children.
Some stories contend that he was so distraught that he went into the woods and
hung himself and returned as thunder and lightning.[16]
Associated with Sango's veneration
are the Orogbo (bitter kola nut) and
Erindinlogun (sixteen cowries)
divination systems.[17]
Orisa-oko is the
patron divinity of Yoruba farmers. He is represented by an iron staff covered
with cowrie shells and is served by honey bees. Orisa-oko is said to be Olodumare functionary in matters
concerning the maintenance and sustenance of the world in particular
agriculture. Ayelala is a goddess
both feared and revered by the people of the Okitipupa Portion of Western
Nigeria. She is associated with vengeance. She is said to accompany various
plagues such as small pox and others whom are looked upon as spirits also. A
male god, Sanponna is associated with these plagues and so on in other areas of
Yorubaland.
Along with the primordial divinities and deified ancestors are the
spirits or Ebora. The Yoruba
recognize these spirits and associate them with natural phenomenon such as the
earth, the rivers, the wind, and the mountains. These things in nature are
either considered as spirits, the abode of spirits, or the vehicle through which
spirits travel. Many of these spirits have shrines and or festivals associated
with their veneration. Bodies of water are also included as Ebora. Yemoja or
Yemoya is
considered the source of all water. Oya is the goddess of the river Niger.
Osun is the divinity associated with
the river that bears its name and the tutelary divinity of Osogbo. Osun governs fertility and
healing. Olokun or Malokun is the lord of the sea. He is
justly revered because of man’s awe of the sea.
Elevated land and rocks are considered abodes of spirits[18]
such as oke-Olumo, Olumo Rock.[19]
Due to rocks perceived immortality, the Yoruba say ‘Oke o ki iku’ (the rock never dies).
Trees are considered to be spirits or the domain of the supernatural. The Iroko tree is held in high regard as it
is thought to be inhabited by some powerful spirits. The Ayan, Eegun, and Omo tree are also treated with respect
and reverence. The spirits of the air are countless to the Yoruba. Oro, a spirit responsible for paralysis,
travels through and woe is he who meets him, for paralysis soon follows. Ajija travels by wind and transports men
to the forest where they are taught the medicinal arts.
There are seemingly countless spirits and divinities in Yorubaland. I am
sure that each ilu (town) has its own
patron spirit or divinity with a shrine, festival, and priesthood associated
with it. However, Olodumare is the
Supreme Being to the Yoruba. Noting His names and the attributes they associate
with Him, one does not need to ponder long on why the religion and culture has
not only survived colonialism and post-colonial rule. Neither Christianity nor
Islam have successfully wiped out its practice. O se
Olodunmare!
Bibliography:
Awolalu,
J. Omosade. Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites.
Barnes,
Sandra T, ed. Africa’s Ogun: Old World and New. 2Ed.
Bascom,
William. Shango in the New World Austin: African and Afro-American Institute, Universtiy of Texas, Austin.
1972.
Mbiti,
John S. Concepts of God in Africa. New York: Praeger Publishers,
1970.
Schleicher,
Antonia Y.F. Je K’ A So Yoruba. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press,
1993.
Olufemi
In traditional Yoruba society the paramount obstacle was to perpetually
keep the many deities placated. This appeasement was crucial to ensuring peace
and prosperity for one’s self, one’s family, and even one’s village. The
traditional Yorubas had many deities that held influence over different Earthly
realms. Arguably as important as these deities was Esu. He was responsible for delivering
sacrifices made by humans to Olorun,
”God Almighty” Esu served as a sort of spiritual mediator; he was the link
between the humans and the gods. It is rumored that Olorun once pretended to be
dead in order to see who was actually loyal to him. As the story goes, only Esu
grieved and was thus given his special position as mediator between the spirit
world and Earthly inhabitants. (This story was found on the website www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html
)
The Yoruba deities often appear to be very egotistical and well aware of
their superiority. It seems that the Yoruba gods behave a lot like the gods of
Greek and Roman mythology in this sense. In all three cultures, the gods were
aware of their supremacy and often used their powers to toy with humans. In
Greek mythology Zeus was well known
for tricking mortal women into sleeping with him. In the Yoruba culture, gods
apparently amused themselves at the expense of humans as well. Due to this
tendency, the traditional Yorubas tried very hard to keep the gods happy and
thus to keep themselves in good graces.
Sacrifices and reciting odu
were the main instrument used in appeasing the gods and thus ensuring happiness
for traditional Yorubas. Although such communication with the gods was
imperative, few had the sufficient knowledge and training to be able to preside
over these mystical practices. The people who possessed the knowledge to
communicate with higher powers were called Babalowo or diviner. They were similar to Native American shamans as far as the role they played
in the community, and they are highly esteemed.
The traditional Yoruba culture put great faith into the Babalowo. His
role was very complex and multifaceted. In fact, he was so revered by the
community that he was allowed to wear clothing ornamented with beads. These
beads are highly regarded as they “Once serv[ed] as trade currencies, beaded
objects were usually reserved for the Yoruba kings” To the villagers, the Babalowo served as a sort of priest,
doctor, and fortune-teller all rolled into one. He utilized special instruments
to decipher what a person had done to offend a deity, what sacrifices were
needed, and which odu should be
recited to get back into the god’s good graces. His position was very important
in traditional Yoruba society. (www.middlebury.edu/~atherton/AR325/divination/yoruba_bag.html
).
For the act of deviation, a Babalowo had many tools to assist him in
contacting a higher power. These tools were kept in a bowl called opon igere. This bowl would often be
decorated with carvings containing the images of deities. One of the key
elements used in the divination ceremony was the tapper. The tapper is “usually
made of ivory,” and was used to summon supernatural forces. Additionally, the Babalowo had a carved cup in which he
carries around sacred palm nuts. The traditional name for the cup is agere-Ifa. The cup “served as a home” for the
palm nuts (Kernels). The palm nuts themselves played a crucial role in the
divination, as they were tossed across a sacred divination board, called opon-Ifa, covered in sawdust (www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html).
Unlike in
many other cultures, the Yorubas actually were allowed to be present and to be
actively engaged in the ceremony. A person would come to a Babalowo with a problem, perhaps his
wife was sick. The diviner would then bring out his agere-Ifa. From the agere-Ifa the Babalowo would retrieve the sixteen
precious palm nuts. Then, he would throw them across opon-Ifa. The Opon-Ifa was covered in sawdust or powder.
The trails made by the tossed palm nuts were studied in depth by the Babalowo. From the sawdust trails the Babalowo could derive at which chapter
he should start reading odu from. The
‘client’ would then listen as the Babalowo reads. The ‘client’ “would stop
the diviner when he recognized an odu
of particular significance.” The diviner would essentially repeat this process
until a “meaningful text began to coalesce” (www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html
).
The article
that I read concerning the recitation of odu contained an example of some verses
that were recited for a man whom the diviner said will be
honored
soon:
And wraps it up in a cloth.
Nobody despises the snake
And ties it round his waist as a belt.
Nobody despises the King
And hits him over the head.
Today people must honor me.
(Beier:1959:57)”
(www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html
)
Apart from the performance of divination ceremonies, the Babalowo maintain an air of spirituality
above the rest of the community at all times. They carry items to symbolize
their powers for all to see. For instance, some Babalowo carry opa osun. Opa osun was a type of divining staff
and served to remind the villagers of the diviner’s position in society. At
certain ceremonies the Babalowo would
carry around other symbolic artifacts. Babalowo “brings out this special iron
staff at large, community-oriented functions. The staff symbolizes the diviner’s
power over death and other destructive forces.” The Yorubas believed that if
someone was at the point of death and the diviner sacrificed a rooster on the
staff, that “death would be fooled into taking the life of the rooster instead
of the human being.” (www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html
).
The traditional Yorubas held many beliefs that people from other
countries would perhaps find strange. But on the same token, the Yorubas would
find peculiarity in someone else’s beliefs. If modern day Christians can believe
that Jesus Christ rose up from the dead and will later come back to earth to
take people to heaven, why is it so far-fetched to believe that Babalowo had supernatural powers? Many
Westerners ridicule ancient beliefs such as the ones held by the Yoruba as
evidence of lesser cultures, but they often forget that tradition is usually
based on some amount of facts. For instance one of the primary things, Yoruba
people visit the Babalowo for was to
try and increase fertility. According to recent evidence the Yorubas have the
highest rate of twin births in the world, “Forty-five out of every thousand
births is a twin birth” (www.middlebury.edu/~atherton/AR325/fertility/yoruba_ibeji.html).
One inhibitor of learning about the Yoruba religion and culture is that some
people are hesitant to look at the world from a different view, to take a leap
of faith that maybe there is something else to know about the world. People in
the
The Yoruba
concept of Esu and Babalowo will not fit nicely into such a
framework. It must be studied from an objective perspective. After much research
on the topic and much reflection, it has become obvious to me that to actually
understand the significance of the Yoruba culture, including the divination
ceremony and the role of the Babalowo, one must, in fact, be Yoruba.
Although much can be learned from reading descriptions of Yoruba rituals and
information about the different roles the deities play in life, one is still not
able to grasp the cultural implications and significance of these things.
Although we can never hope to achieve a full sense of understanding, that should
not divert us from our goals of learning about the language of the Yoruba or
about their rich culture. The Yoruba culture is vast in tradition and value and
it can be an asset to anyone to unravel even a little of its
mystic.
Websites
Cited:
www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html
www.middlebury.edu/~atherton/AR325/fertility/yoruba_ibeji.html
Female
Deities and Their Importance in the Yoruba Culture
Folarin (H)
There is no
doubt that religion is a major aspect of the Yoruba culture. This is a culture
that contains a huge pantheon of gods and goddesses each with a different
mythology and purpose. Many Yoruba deities are connected to the natural forces
that command and create life. They are seen not only in religious worship, but
in the daily lives and activities of the Yoruba people.
To a Yoruba person, knowing the mythology of deities is as important as
learning the history of his/her ancestors. The deities are in fact the ancestors
of all humankind. This deep connection plays a tremendous role in the
relationship between deity and human; in the human need for help in working with
nature’s forces deities are consulted for guidance and example. Women being at
the source of creation have always looked to deities (primarily female deities)
for assistance in their survival and for the welfare of the
community.
There are constant celebrations and festivals reminding and teaching the
Yoruba people of this rich past and deep connection. An example of such a
festival is the “Gelede”. This festival celebrates the “great ancestral mothers”
and women’s life giving powers. The festival has two parts a night ceremony
called the “Efe” and the daytime
celebration called the “Gelede”. In
both celebrations, elaborate costumes and masks are created to pay homage to
deities and ancestors. The importance of women in Yoruba society is the overall
theme of the festival.
The festival is held in the marketplace which is the center of women’s
social and economic activity. The marketplace is the key to the economic wealth
of women in Yoruba society. Therefore, it is the perfect place to pay homage to
women’s influence and strength.
Several female deities play a large role in the festival’s
activities.
One of the most sacred “Efe” and “Gelede” performances is of the Great
Mother,”Iyanla”. Special preparations
are made for this performance. All the lights are extinguished, and a shrine is
provided as a center for worship. The shrine consists of a mask wrapped or
draped in white cloth, and the performers representing “Iyanla” focus on their
dancing. The “Iyanla” can come in two forms: a bearded elderly lady or a Spirit
bird. There are two chants that are spoken when the performers appear. One chant
is to the Spirit bird form:
Spirit Bird
is coming
(Twice)
Ososobi o,
Spirit Bird is coming
The one who brings the festival today
Tomorrow is the day when devotees of the gods will
worship
You are the one who brought us to this place
It is your influence that we are using
Ososobi o, Spirit bird is coming
[Recorded in Ilaro, 1978]
This chant demonstrates how important “Iyanla” is to the Yoruba people.
She is the reason and the power behind the festival. Another chant spoken is to
the bearded mother form:
“Iyanla come
into the world, our mother
Kind one will not die like the evil one
Ososomu come into the world
Our mother the kind one will not die like the evil
one”
And
“Ososomu e e e
Honored ancestor “apake e e e”
Mother, Mother, child who brings peace to the world
Repair the world for us
Iyanla, child who brings peace to the world o e”
[Collected in Ibaiyun, 1975]
In both of these chants “Iyanla” is constantly referred to as mother.
This indicates homage to a deity like that of a great ancestor. In the second
chant, “Iyanla” is asked to bring peace to the world, and by participating is
this chant comfort is given by knowing that “Iyanla” hears the trouble of her
children. Again there is a motherly portral of the
goddess.
In addition to the mask representing ”Iyanla”, other goddesses are
depicted. Masks with special clay pots called “otun” are attached for collecting
sacred water. These masks are dedicated to water deities such as ”Yemoja” and “Osun”. Water signifies a natural force
needed for human survival; as well as a symbol of richness and fertility. The
goddess “Yemoja” is also honored by a special mask worn only by a priestess. Red
parrot feathers crown the mask symbolizing the mystical power of women. Other
articles of clothing signify a woman’s connection to deity. The oja can be worn in a variety of ways
depending upon the senority of a prietess or follower. It may be worn as a gele (head wrap) to indicate new
initiates or around the buba
(traditional blouse) for older prietesses.
The Yoruba people recognize and respect the
differences.
Outside of festivals and celebrations female deities still remain a
powerful influence. Daily these deities are consulted in problems that occur in
everyday life. Specific problems are brought to different goddesses. Each
goddess has her own history and personality. These qualities mirror the positive
and negative aspects of the Yoruba culture.
The river goddess “Osun” is
sought after for advice in matters of love and children. In Yoruba culture, she is seen as the
goddess of love and beauty. A festival is also dedicated to her; many offerings
are given to her by women asking for her help. She can cause drought or flood
and therefore must be constantly appeased. She is the matron goddess of the town
Osogbo in Osun State of Nigeria.
Another important goddess to the Yoruba people is “Oya”. She is a goddess with many different
aspects. One of her most dominant traits is her association with the forest and
the hunt. Because of these aspects, she is also known as the “Buffalo-woman”.
She can come in the form of the hunter or in the form of the prey. These two
forms illustrate the importance of both aspects of life. She teaches
understanding and respect for the life of the animal killed to provide food, and
the balance that must be maintained in nature.
In the role of “Buffalo-woman”, she also teaches that the roles of men
and women in Yoruba society are not as important as the survival of the
community. This is a lesson being used in modern Yoruba culture. Traditionally
women are not allowed to leave the village to search for roots or food. Even
women trained in gathering roots for medicine can not go deep into the forest.
However, a hunter is only considered to be the best if he is successful in the
depths of the forest. He must recognize the greatness and skills of “Oya” as a
hunter goddess to feed the village.
Another aspect of “Oya” is as the whirlwind or tornado. This again
illustrates the negative but necessary aspect of nature; to have creation
destruction must take place. She is seen as the cause of tornadoes in Yoruba
culture. This also relates to the negative and violent power within men and
women. If these powers are allowed the run rapid, they can be just as
destructive as any tornado.
Oya’s diversified personality makes her one of the most distinctive of
the Yoruba goddesses. Her personality is best summoned up in a poem by Judith
Gleason. It describes both her negative and positive
qualities.
Oya
Dark forest,
deepest obscurity
Which grabs
and swallows you in the forest
Winds of
Death
Tears the
Calabash, tears the bush
Sango’s wife
who
With the
thumb tears out
The
intestines of the one liar
Great Oya,
yes
Only she
seizes the horns of the buffalo
Only she
confronts the returning dead
Swiftly she
gets her things together swiftly
Oya
messenger, carry me on your back
Don’t let me
down
She burns
like fire in the hearth
Everywhere
at once
Tornado,
quivering sold canopied tress--
Great Oya,
yes
Whirlwind,
masquerader, awakening
Courageously
takes up her saber
Iya O, Iya
O
Mother
Oya
It is not
from today that she is honorable
But from
long ago
Iya O, Oya
O
Mother
Oya
She’s the
one who employs truth against [untruth]
She stands
at the frontier
Between Life
and Death
Iya O, Oya
O
If it is
Bembe, she dances it, O she’ll dance it
Who dances
Bata Drums?
O she dances
it
Who dances
Shekere,
O she dances
it
Wife of
Ogun, that’s the one who dances it, whatever it is
She has been
performing Egungun masquerade for a long time
Oya had so
much honor
She turned
and became Orisa
Oya guards
the road into the world and out of it
Oya, respect
to the awesome!
(Judith Gleason@1987)
The role of female deities in Yoruba culture is ever present and ever
changing. A strong connection between female deities and the Yoruba people is
illustrated by the many lessons learned from them. These lessons include “Iyanla’s” wisdom,
“Osun’s” love, and “Oya’s” strength. Connection between humankind and deity is
crucial. By having respect for deity whether male or female, one gains a love
and kindred to everything in nature. This serves as a way to pass on the lesson
of how to live in balance with ourselves and others. All these are valuable
teachings which can be used in daily life not of just the Yoruba people but of
everyone and anyone.
References
Blakely,
Thomas D., Van Beek, Walter E. A., and Thomson, Dennis L. Religion in
Africa: Experience and
Expression. David M. Kennedy Center 1994.
Drewal,
Henry John and Drewal, Margaret Thompson. 1983. Gelede: Art and Female Power
among the Yoruba. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press.
Gleason,
Judith. 1987, 1992. Oya: In Praise of an African Goddess.
Websites:
Web-Site:
http://www.voiceofwomen.com/articles/omi.html
-“Keys
to Feminine Empowerment: from the Yoruba West African
Tradition”
by: Omifunke.
Web-Site:
http://www.artnet,net/~ifa/oshun.htm
-“Ijo
Orunmila: Spreading Ifa to All Olodumare’s Children.” by: Chief
Fashina
Falade, Chief Olubikin of Ile-Ife.
Role
of Women in Traditional Yoruba Society
Adeola
Women played various roles in traditional Yoruba society. They performed in areas such as farming
and trading, and economically, women's efforts were crucial to the survival of
their families and the society as a whole. Political roles were also abundant.
Though males essentially dominated Yoruba politics in a physical sense, a
woman's importance was generated through mystical power and was fully
independent of the reputation of her husband. Women also participated in body
markings, and further, they held a great knowledge of medicine. In addition,
traditional ceremonies and rituals such as Gelede, portray a profound respect
for women--especially mothers. Historical myths placed sharp focus on religious
and supernatural forces. In fact, in some instances, they were held as high as
goddesses because of their alleged awesome power.
Women are further saluted through chants called Oriki, and these chants, additionally,
assist women in their journey to marriage. In 1826, a man named Capperton
observed wives of the Alaafin of Oyo (the most powerful Yoruba king at the time)
in every place trading and like other women of the common class, carrying large
loads on their heads from town to town (Drewal 225). Though the majority of
women earn their income through trading, farming also plays a significant role
(Spiro 13). Their function in supplying nutrition and clothing for themselves
and their families depend greatly on both farming and trading (Kolade 1).
Previous studies have shown that women's only economic concern is with food
processing and distribution, with some craft specialization and that women
rarely take part in any phase of agriculture, but other studies show that almost
all women spend approximately 25% of their time in some farming activity (Spiro
7).
Women are estimated to perform 60% to 80% of all agricultural work and to
provide up to 70% of the region's food (Middleton and Rassam 392). For instance,
a woman performs much of her labor through the farming of crops such as yams,
maize, cassava, and okra, and they even have to hire some male labor for their
own farms (Spiro 7). The production and sale of such crops contributes to the
well-being of her family in addition to providing income for various other
household expenses (Middleton and Rassam 392). Women are in their prime years
between the ages of 25-40, since their economic authority grows with age and
their status as mothers.
Responsibilities increase because they need to supplement their husband's
income and provide money for school fees and other every day necessities. Women
are also expected to supply the sauces, stews, and snacks eaten with staples.
Women use their own money to buy clothes and luxury items for themselves and
their children (Spiro 9).
Yoruba women marry at age eighteen and move to their husband’s village.
During the early years of marriage, women are economically subservient to their
husbands. Their domestic duties also include extensive unpaid agricultural labor
on their husband’s holdings. These early years are also devoted to organizing
the household, and bearing and rearing children. Yorubas strive for a 3 year
space between children, owing to traditional sexual abstinence during an
extended breast-feeding period. As children approach the school age, mothers
start moving more seriously into trading enterprises. Children are net
dependents on their parents between ages 6 and 18, depending on the schooling
they receive (Spiro 9).
Women are further involved in body marks. A woman whose father is a mark
maker can be taught how to and she can make marks (Barnes 358). These are
incisions or tattoos on the body that represent sexuality, spirituality,
strength, and status for males and females (254). For example, a woman with many
marks is considered courageous and a woman without marks is deemed a coward
(255). As a consequence of their significant contributions, women are given
official roles in public affairs (Middleton and Rassam 392). In fact, the market
women’s administrative head, Iyalode, holds a position on the king’s council of
chiefs (Drewal 10). Women also participate in activities such as pottery making,
spinning, dyeing, weaving, basketry, and dressmaking was added in the 19th
century and medicinal activity is also predominant.
The collection and sale of medicinal ingredients takes place in large
daily markets. These ingredients are not affected by menstruation and can
therefore be handled by women. Since these women are intimately familiar with
the plants and animals they handle, they undoubtedly know much about medicine,
but they tend to limit their medicinal practice to the sale of ingredients. They also offer advice, recommending
cures to their friends, and occasionally they will sell someone a recipe
(Buckley 3).
On another note, women are considered the center of Gelede ceremonies
(Lawal 36). Gelede is a ceremony that promotes the motif of barrenness as its
prime focus. Certain traditional,
religious beliefs form the basis for such ceremonies. First of all, Ogboni was one of the most religious
organizations in Yorubaland (34-35). The Earth Goddess, Ile, held it’s divine authority and
represented maternal principles. This is evident in the word, Abiye, meaning <born to live>. It
was used by female members of Ogboni called, Erelu, as a symbol of being good
midwives and to prevent infant mortality, called Abiku.
Gelede society elaborates on the maternal values of Ogboni in order to
inculcate into the mother’s mind the responsibility to her children and her
community (Lawal 36). There are two
main ceremonies that Gelede embodies. Efe is the night ceremony while Gelede occurs during the day.
Furthermore, as with any phenomenon, there are two type of traditions concerning
the origin of Gelede: the mythical and the historical (37). In Yoruba mythology,
it is believed that a woman holds innate power which can be either good or
evil. Such powers are called, aje often translated as ‘witch’ or ‘My
Mother.’ The negative tendencies of aje are believed to branch from jealousy and
competition within the polygamous setting of a Yoruba compound. Another
important role in Gelede ceremonies is played out through the Chief priestess,
Iyalase (82). She is the head of the
society and the ase (the Gelede
shrine), and she is the only one who can enter its divine quarters. The Iyalase
has to be of age and must understand the Yoruba herbs and liturgy.
In further understanding of Gelede’s mythological origin, practices of a
babalowo were referred to in many cases. A diviner, or babalowo, was consulted
during times of trouble (Lawal 37-38). He memorizes rituals, or ese ifa, during training and then
relates and interprets these stories for clients who have a given problem. These
clients are instructed to follow the same steps as the mythical character, or orisa (gods), in order to resolve their
problem. One ese ifa tells a story of a woman named Yewajobi, mother of all orisa and living
things (39-40). She contacted the babalowo because she could no longer bear
children after marrying her husband, Oluweri. She was instructed to dance and
give sacrifices in honor of the orisa, and, in turn, she became fertile again.
She gave birth to two children: Efe
and Gelede. Efe was a jocular
young man, and Gelede was obese and enjoyed dancing like her mother. Efe and
Gelede, as well, had problems having children, but they, too, were advised to
give sacrifice and dance about with wooden images on their heads. Sure enough,
they both began having children.
In addition to the performance in honor of orisa, Gelede’s most popular
function is to placate Iya Nla, the
Great Mother (or Mother Nature) (71). Iya Nla was a sea out of which land
emerged and life, humanity, and culture were sustained. Iya Nla loves music and
dance. In fact, her Earthly disciples, the powerful mothers, enjoy music and
dance, as well. They favor all who honor them with such entertainment. These
rituals are performed today as the Gelede masked dance which gives respect to
powerful mothers like Yewajobi and Iya Nla. The comical Efe mask is worn during
the nocturnal Efe ceremony, and the female Gelede mask is bulky and worn during
the day.
From a historical perspective, the story of a town called Ketu seems to
be the most accredited origin of Gelede (Lawal 46-49). In a battle for the
throne, two twin sons, Edun and Akan, split apart. Edun fled to a town called Ilobi to
devise revenge on his brother, while Akan stayed behind. When Akan arrived in
Ilobi to look for his brother, he was scared away by the device that his brother
had built to keep him away. It consisted of numerous strings and shells that
sent chilling noises into the night. When
Edun returned to Ketu to claim his throne, he shared the secret of the
strange noises with the community.
The secret eventually developed into Gelede.
Still another traditional respect for women unveils through Oriki (Barber 12). Oriki parallels with
the English word, definition, but goes deeper and exists on a more personal
level: They are heavy words, fused together into formulations that have
exceptional density and sensuous weight (12-13). They are special names that act
as personal and family descriptions. There are three specific types of oriki: oriki orisa (gods), personal oriki (recognizes outstanding
characteristics), and oriki orile
(identifies large groups of people with common origin in an ancient, named
town). Oriki orile is the most common type and is used to distinguish between
houses. No oriki is specified for any particular occasion, and each type can be
combined. Depending on the person’s past and defining characteristics, not all
oriki are good. There is actually another category of oriki that exists, akija, that deals with negative
incidents.
Oriki are also used in marriage ceremonies. Throughout a young girlís
childhood she is exposed to numerous rituals and performances where oriki are
used (Barber 96-99). By the time she is and adolescent, she has her own rara iyawo chant (or ekun Iyawo) which is performed during
weddings. Rara iyawo are made up mostly of oriki orile. The girls chant to the
bride in unison as the bride bids her own rara iyawo and farewells. The bridal laments are practiced
extensively before the wedding day and are kept a secret. However, unlike a
mature woman, the bride has no chance to improve her public performance by
gradual, repeated exposure, because rara iyawo is only performed on one occasion
(105). After the wedding ceremony is over, it is considered inappropriate to
chant rara iyawo publicly.
In preparation for her wedding, the bride must also pay homage to her
future husband’s family (108). Before entering into her new life, a woman
undergoes a three month process of induction into her new family. This process
involves a number of acts which demonstrate her willingness to contribute her
labor and property to her husband’s people. Aside from her job of dividing her
belongings amongst every member of the husband’s family, she performs symbolic
acts that convey her separation from her former status. For example, on the day after the
wedding, the husband’s female relatives strip and wash the bride and then dress
her in new clothes. The old clothes
are then taken back to her own family compound.
Some women became experts in chanting and, therefore, joined cults along
with other devotees in dedication and worship of a particular orisa (Barber 99).
It was considered extremely important for young women to become familiar with
chanting called orisa pipe, which
simply means chants to the orisa. Older women would assist in this achievement
through encouragement and support. One such cult is the Gelede cult, iya un, otherwise known as our mothers.
It refers to a select group of women who have reached menopause and have special
powers (Ibitokun 36). They are the rightful owners of the Gelede ceremony, and
all females are potential iya un.
Iya un have a lot of praise names, or oriki, with various meanings--
especially during performances. One example is adananlojuomi, meaning she whose heart
is the open sea (37).
In conclusion, women had a huge impact on the traditional Yoruba society.
Their role as economic, political, medical, and religious leaders, as well as
their majestic role as mothers, proves their significance in the survival of
mankind. The sacred masks worn in the traditional Gelede ceremonies was and
continues to be a symbol of the community’s respect for, in addition to their
dependence on women.
Works
Cited
Barber,
Karin. I Could Speak Until
Tomorrow. pg.12-13, 96-99, 105,
108
Barnes,
Sandra T. Ed. Africa’s
Ogun. pg. 255 -
258
Buckley,
Anthony D. Yoruba
Medicine. pg.
3
Drewal,
Henry John and Margret Thompson.
Gelede. pg. 12,
225
Ibitokun,
Benedict M. Dance as a Ritual
Drama and Entertainment in the Gelede of the Ketu-Yoruba Subgroup in
Lawal,
Babatunde. The Gelede
Spectacle. pg. 34-40, 46-49,
71, 82
Middleton,
John and Rassam Amal Eds.
Encyclopedia of World Cultures. Vol IX. pg. 392
Spiro,
Heather. The Ilora Farm
Settlement. pg. 6 - 9, XIII,
XVI
Women and
Culture: Yoruba Women vs. American
Women
Folarin (A)
Women vary from culture to culture. Their ideas, perceptions, and
mannerisms are often determined by their cultural environment. Yoruba and
American women serve as perfect paradigms of females who are socialized in
accordance with their culture. An analysis of how these two different groups
interact with their surroundings will reveal the effect that cultural
environment has on a woman’s role in the society.
One can
first observe the differences between the two female groups early in childhood.
At this point American women are being socialized to be slender,
pretty, and
marry their prince charming. Many young American girls have boyfriends as early
as age nine. Meanwhile young Yoruba girls are learning about work from their
mothers and older siblings. One huge difference which reflects different
patterns of socialization is evident in body image. American women often
complain and worry about their weight, but not Yoruba
women.
Yoruba
culture does not pressure it’s
female members to fit any sort of weight requirement. In fact, it is rare to
hear a Yoruba women complain about her
weight.
Yoruba men are said to prefer plump women. A woman in the
Yoruba and
American women also vary greatly when it comes to courting and marriage. It is
extremely common for American women to date. Dating
provides
them opportunities for finding a mate. Co-habitation and pre-martial sex are
also common in American society. Dating is only common among the educated or
college individuals in Yoruba society. This is because they are the ones most
influenced by western culture and society. Pre-marital sex and co-habitation are
both things which (now) occur in Yoruba culture, but are considered very taboo.
Many Yoruba women find their husbands through arranged marriage. Parents play a
large role in determining who their daughter marries in Yorubaland.
Cultural
differences are responsible for the variations between Yoruba and American
women. This is most evident when a Yoruba woman comes to live in
the
In general American women are more independent and career oriented than
Yoruba women. This is not to say
Yoruba women don’t like independence, they just are more family oriented. Yoruba
culture revolves around the family unit. American society has somewhat lost that
family stability. Family stability is also reflected in the divorce rates of
these two cultures.
Finally, Yoruba women and American women are both direct results of their
socialization and culture. Their attitudes and general actions reflect those
which are considered the norm in their different
societies.
When some people think about oil, and the major countries that produce
it,
Foreign oil companies now search intensely in Nigerian waters. It is estimated that up to 20 billion
barrels may be found in some of these newly discovered reserves. In 1996 Shell
announced the Bonga discovery. Bonga’s initial tests produced 3,000 barrels per
day, and the entire reserve may hold up to 1 billion barrels. Shell also had a
smaller discovery, Ngolo which has an estimated 100 billion barrels in
reserves.
In January of 1999, Famfa Oil, a local firm, announced the Agabami
reserve. This field, which lies 70 miles off shore, is believed to contain
several hundred million barrels of recoverable oil. The exploration for new oil
continues now. Development in
Oil discovery is not without dispute. Both
Most of
The fuel shortage problem troubles
The
Ogoni Footnote:
Part of
where oil was rich in
This started
a lot of opposition from the government, and the leader, Ken Saro-Wiwa was imprisoned on several
occasions. In November of 1993, General Sanni Abacha took over the government,
and this was when the real trouble started for the Ogonis. The military started
terrorizing Ogoniland with arrests, rapes, executions, burnings and lootings. It
is believed that the Shell oil company was working with the government, and this
is part of the reason why there are many protests worldwide to boycott Shell. In
May 1994 Saro-Wiwa was abducted from his home and jailed along with other MOSOP
leaders and charged with the murder of four Ogoni leaders.
By this
time, the world was involved in the issue, and dismissed these charges as
fraudulent. While Ken Saro Wiwa was in detention, he was denied legal or medical
help, and he had 4 heart attacks while in jail. On
OPIN
IRINAJO
Yorùbá
Omo Odùduwà
Papers on
Yoruba People, Language, and Culture
by
Yoruba
Language Program Students
Compiled
and Reviewed
by
Akinloye
Ojo (August, 1999)
===========================================================================
Mo lérò
pé e gbádùn un àwon èrò inú u àwon bébà wònyí. E
seun.
E kúusé
O
Akinloye Ojo@1999